Agriculture Minister John Steenhuisen and Deputy Minister Nokuzola Capa will chair the upcoming Group of 20 (G20) Agriculture Working Group and Food Security Task Force Ministerial Meetings.
Taking place on 18 and 19 September 2025 at the Lord Charles Hotel in Somerset West, Cape Town, the Department of Agriculture is organising these meetings under the themes of data-driven approaches to addressing food security and promoting inclusive agricultural investment and market access.
“The meetings form part of a broader public participation programme implemented by government, aimed at profiling and promoting South Africa’s Presidency of the G20,” the department said.
Guided by the theme of Solidarity, Equality, and Sustainability, South Africa’s G20 Presidency is prioritising key issues, including food security, sustainable development, and enhancing resilience to disasters.
The Agriculture Working Group serves as a vital platform for G20 members to enhance cooperation on agricultural matters, with a key focus on setting targets to achieve the United Nations (UN) 2030 Agenda’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
Established in 2011 to address food price volatility, the group has since evolved into an essential forum for supporting and advancing agricultural initiatives among G20 members. – SAnews.gov.za
The Ministry of Education branch in Senafe sub-zone, in collaboration with the National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students branch, has presented the ‘Soira’ Award to 71 outstanding students who achieved a GPA between 3.0 and 4.0 in the 2024/2025 national school-leaving examination. The awardees are members of the 37th round of the national service.
At the award ceremony held on 12 September, Mr. Omeredin Mohammed, head of the education office in the sub-zone, stated that encouraging outstanding students is a moral responsibility. He also called on the awardees to avoid negative peer influence and to work harder for even greater success in their college education.
Mr. Omeredin, indicating that the award plays a significant role in motivating other students to excel in their academic careers, wished the awardees much success in their future studies.
Noting that the achievement was the result of the students’ strong efforts, as well as support from their parents and teachers, Mr. Berhane Yohannes, head of pedagogy at the education office branch, urged the awardees to become role models in their future academic pursuits.
Mr. Idris Ali Shiker, administrator of the sub-zone, emphasized that the award is part of broader efforts to enhance the quality of education and student performance. He also called for increased participation in addressing challenges within the teaching and learning process.
The awardees, in turn, expressed their appreciation for the encouragement and affirmed their commitment to work hard and remain competitive in their college education.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Ministry of Information, Eritrea.
Government has welcomed Fitch’s decision to affirm South Africa’s long-term foreign and local currency debt ratings at “BB-” and maintain the stable outlook.
According to Fitch, South Africa’s credit rating is constrained by several factors, including low real gross domestic product (GDP) growth, high poverty and inequality levels, a high and rising government debt-to-GDP ratio, and a rigid fiscal structure that hampers budget deficit reduction.
“However, the ratings are supported by a favourable government debt structure with long maturities and mostly local-currency-denominated, strong institutions and a credible monetary policy framework,” the National Treasury statement read.
Fitch also noted that the Government of National Unity (GNU) continues, under Operation Vulindlela Phase 2, to implement a reform agenda.
Operation Vulindlela Phase 2 is a joint initiative between the Presidency and National Treasury to accelerate the implementation of structural reforms to enable economic growth and job creation. Phase II of Operation Vulindlela will implement reforms in three new areas, including in digital transformation.
According to the Treasury, reforms focused on improving network infrastructures, such as electricity, logistics, water, and digitalisation, have alleviated load shedding and halted the decline in freight volume transported, contributing to Fitch’s forecast of a modest increase in real GDP growth.
“Government’s economic growth strategy will continue to focus on maintaining macroeconomic stability to reduce living costs and grow investment, executing reforms to promote a more dynamic economy, building state capability in core functions and supporting growth-enhancing public infrastructure investment,” said the Treasury on Friday.
Over the medium term, Treasury said government will invest over R1 trillion in infrastructure, and reforms will make it easier for the state and the private sector to invest in roads, rail, energy and water. In addition, major reforms to state spending and the budget process are underway, including the implementation of targeted and responsible savings across government.
Treasury announced that further details will be provided in the Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement on 12 November 2025. – SAnews.gov.za
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Daniel Tjarks, Resarch Associate in Human Geography, Saarland University
Weeks of protests in July 2025 in Angola left 30 dead and hundreds imprisoned. Sparked by a hike in fuel prices, the outcome of a governmental effort to reduce subsidies, the unrest quickly spread across the country.
This escalation, along with the government’s uncompromising reaction, is symptomatic of two things: the country’s dire economic conditions, and mounting discontent over disappointed expectations of change in President João Lourenço’s Angola.
After 38 years of rule by José Eduardo dos Santos, Lourenço’s 2017 inauguration briefly had “many Angolans dreaming again”. Those dreams, however, have since been shattered.
One repeatedly broken promise recently slipped by almost unnoticed when, two weeks after the protests, Angola’s parliament quietly wrapped up the legislative year. While Angola’s MPs have begun to pave the way for the 2027 national elections through adjustments to electoral statutes, there was nothing on the agenda about the country’s long-promised local elections.
Over the past 15 years, Angolans have grown accustomed to delays and postponements of what was once hailed as a building block for a more democratic country. Back in 2010, the ruling MPLA had prominently recommitted to the election of local governments – the autarquias – in the country’s constitution.
This promise of decentralisation initially captured the imagination of civil society and international organisations. But it has given way to disillusionment after delays and lukewarm excuses. Justifications alternate between insufficient infrastructure, unresolved legislative issues, or the COVID-19 pandemic.
I am an interdisciplinary social scientist, and for my PhD I studied Angola’s cities and the country’s highly centralised system of local governance.
My research leads me to conclude that Angola’s government has no real interest in establishing the autarquias – at least not anymore. What’s got in the way of the ruling power’s decentralisation strategy has been an astoundingly rapid transformation of Angola’s traditional political geography.
This transformation of demography and party affiliation has increasingly deprived the ruling party, the MPLA, of the urban electorate that it once believed to be its core support group. This helps explain why hopes for systematic change in post-war Angola have mostly faltered.
The reversal of Angola’s political geography
In 2002, Angola emerged from decades of civil war as an autocratic one-party state. In the following years, the MPLA government under Dos Santos cautiously introduced reforms. These included the first peacetime multi-party elections in 2008 and the easing of repression. And with the 2010 constitution, the government recommitted to decentralisation.
After a sweeping 2008 victory, the MPLA stood at the height of its power. It had secured more than 80% of the national vote (the vast majority in all provinces) and Unita, its former war adversary, was weak and discredited. Flush with abundant oil revenues and Chinese credit lines, Angola’s government could feel fairly confident in its grip on power.
It also opted for the idea of “gradualism”. This meant restricting local elections to the party’s traditional city strongholds where it felt most secure in its electoral support.
However, the rise of Unita as the opposition party soon upended the government’s power calculus. Rooted in the Ovimbundu communities of the Angolan highlands, Unita had, during the years of war, often been described and framed as the rural counterpart to the supposedly more modern and urban MPLA. But soon after the war’s end in 2002, the party turned into a serious contender and managed to expand its support base.
It has also emerged as a viable alternative for a young and politically alienated urban electorate in Angola’s cities. For them, Unita offers a potential break with a political system in which they have lost faith.
The electoral results are unambiguous evidence of that. In each national election since 2008, the MPLA lost around 10% of the vote. This dynamic was most pronounced in the capital, Luanda, which Unita officially won for the first time in 2022.
Election results on the national level and in Luanda province, 2008-2022.
This power shift in Luanda strikes at the very foundation of the MPLA system.
The imperative to control Luanda
Angola is dominated by its capital city – a system that I have elsewhere analysed as “metropolitan bias”. Around 40% of Angolan city dwellers live in the capital. It also generates and absorbs the vast majority of economic and financial resources in the country.
These riches underpin what other researchers have described as a type of urban “political settlement”. This means that the patronage structures and corruption characteristic of post-war Angola fundamentally depend on the financial capital attracted to the oil-fuelled real estate and construction sectors of Luanda.
An oppositional capital would be all but unacceptable to the ruling MPLA.
Over the years the kleptocratic dynamics of Angola’s elite-controlled system have been laid bare by research on Angola’s political economy and the type of investigative journalism that produced the infamous Luanda Leaks. These have shown how the intertwining of the party-state with the petro-economy has facilitated the blatant self-enrichment of Angola’s ruling class.
In contrast, almost every second Angolan lives on less than US$3.65 a day. For their part, those close to the inner circle of power have largely distributed the country’s oil wealth among themselves.
From promises to manipulation
Judged against its own promises of decentralisation and faced with the emergence of a decidedly urban Unita electorate, the MPLA has a dilemma. For the last 15 years its solution has been to opt for a permanent delay.
Oppositional and civil society groups like the “Jovens pelas autarquias” (Youth for Local Government) have long denounced what’s occurred.
The latest chapter in the Angolan decentralisation saga came in 2025 with a new administrative structure. The number of local government units has been more than doubled and the capital splintered into 16 units.
This reform will allow the MPLA to blame delays on insufficient infrastructure for the foreseeable future. It will also ensure that, should autarquias be established at some point, local governments will remain relatively weak.
This is a well-worn anti-democratic strategy of manipulating decentralisation – tried and tested in countries such as Ethiopia, Malawi and Uganda.
There can be little doubt that the early enthusiasm that greeted Lourenço’s inauguration in 2017 has faded and that the current outlook for local democracy in Angola does not appear much brighter than under his predecessor.
One may therefore reasonably doubt that Angolans will see local elections taking place any time soon.
The most important question ahead is how the MPLA will respond to the type of escalating grievances that have recently erupted in the streets of Luanda. And to what extent it will allow these popular sentiments to find free and fair expression in the 2027 national elections.
– Angolans are fed up with broken promises: why the ruling MPLA keeps stalling local elections – https://theconversation.com/angolans-are-fed-up-with-broken-promises-why-the-ruling-mpla-keeps-stalling-local-elections-264294
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Benta A. Abuya, Research Scientist, African Population and Health Research Center
Access to school is considered to be better for children who live in urban areas than in rural areas in countries such as Kenya. But research shows that this access doesn’t translate into children doing better at school if the setting is an informal settlement. Despite being able to attend school, some children don’t fully enjoy their right to education, because the urban advantage seems to have dwindled in these contexts in recent years.
Some years ago, our team of researchers at the African Population & Health Research Center in Kenya examined the enrolment patterns in slums and non-slum communities in Nairobi. Our study found that pupils living in non-slum areas had higher rates of primary school completion (92%) than their counterparts in urban informal settlements (76%). And the pupils outside slums were more likely (76%) to go on to secondary school than the pupils in slums were (46%).
The programme consisted of homework support, mentoring in life skills (including relationship skills and responsible decision making), parental counselling and transition subsidies. In phase 2, we added a leadership component and boys into the programme. In phase 3 we added motivational talks, service learning and digital literacy.
Parents were encouraged to support their children and peers to learn from each other. Children were encouraged to think about careers.
ALOT Change aimed to contribute to a better future for boys and girls aged 12-19 in informal settlements. We implemented this intervention in two Nairobi settlements, Korogocho and Viwandani. Korogocho is reported to be more stable but to have worse health and socio-economic outcomes, while Viwandani is more transient, with a youthful, migrant population.
Once the intervention had run its course, we wanted to know whether it had made a positive impact on pupils’ literacy and numeracy scores. We analysed data from 577 pupils at baseline and 392 at endline during phase 3.
Our endline report showed modest improvements in literacy and numeracy, better self-confidence and aspirations, stronger parental involvement, and reduced delinquent behaviour among participants.
We found that the programme was particularly useful for follow-up cohorts who had been engaged in earlier phases.
Generally, the intervention had more impact among boys than girls, for pupils aged 12-13, and among pupils from least poor households. Numeracy improved more in Korogocho than in Viwandani.
These findings point to some adjustments that could be made to future interventions.
Evaluation of impact on numeracy and literacy achievement
Our evaluation compared two cohorts of boys and girls. The “follow-up cohort” were followed from primary school (2016-2018) into secondary schools. The “new cohort” started the programme in 2019 and were followed for three years.
The research questions were:
Did the intervention improve literacy and numeracy scores?
How did those scores vary?
Were there any differences between boys and girls?
In our analysis we chose to look at five groups, defined by their performance in literacy and numeracy tests. We explored the relationships between their performance and the students’ characteristics (age and gender) and household factors (like household head age, availability of reading materials at home, and household size).
the intervention had a strong impact on numeracy among higher achievers
reading at home had a notable benefit for lower and middle achievers
girls tended to perform better than boys in literacy
boys scored better in numeracy than girls
the effects of the intervention on literacy and numeracy were sustained one year into secondary school
numeracy and literacy scores reduced in older age groups, as in other studies.
The follow-up cohort had been exposed to the intervention for three years (in phase 2) by the time we started assessing their performance. They performed better than the new cohort.
Gender differences in performance were evident at both lower and higher achievement levels. This finding mirrors those of other studies that speak to the need to encourage boys to enjoy reading to improve their reading abilities. But some studies explain this lag in reading by boys to the likelihood that boys are more inclined towards science, technology, engineering, and mathematics, which takes them away from the focus of reading competency.
Recommendations
The study points to the need to pay more attention to boys during the literacy sessions and to girls in the numeracy sessions during the implementation of the intervention programmes.
The reduction in scores at older ages suggests a need to adjust the programme to suit younger and older adolescents.
Programmes may need to further adapt interventions for older adolescents. Continuing with the same components of the intervention may not be feasible for older adolescents.
– We created a support programme for schools in Nairobi’s informal settlements: what we learned – https://theconversation.com/we-created-a-support-programme-for-schools-in-nairobis-informal-settlements-what-we-learned-264594
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Angelo Fynn, Specialist Researcher, University of South Africa
The spectre of food insecurity unfortunately haunts many households in South Africa.
Food security is commonly understood as having sufficient and nutritious food to live a healthy, active life. Access to sufficient food is a basic human right and is enshrined in the South African constitution.
Estimates from Statistics South Africa show that the proportion of households experiencing some form of food insecurity rose between 2019 and 2023 from 15.8% to 19.7%. Many households still seem to be feeling the pressure of slow economic growth and consumer price inflation. And a third of South Africans are unemployed.
The South African higher education sector has made great strides in making tertiary education more accessible. While the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) was established to broaden access to post-school education, by providing for fees, accommodation and a stipend, levels of food insecurity among university students remain high.
It’s hard to say just how high. Sometimes students seek assistance discreetly due to stigma. What we do know is that while the 2025 NSFAS research report talks about a 5% increase in funding, Statistics South Africa figures show inflation rates higher than that for basic food items.
Education researchers are interested in this because food insecurity is associated with worse academic outcomes among university students. It’s linked to lower class attendance and lower academic performance, among other indicators, which then affects their psychological wellbeing.
However, most of this research is based on traditional (full-time) university students. Students in open, distance and e-learning institutions are under-researched when it comes to food insecurity. Distance learning students form a third of all tertiary education students enrolled in South African universities: 371,592 students, according to 2023 audited figures.
My research interests are in how students learn, cope and succeed. My aim is to help university management and academics understand the issues that students face. One of these is food insecurity.
In a study conducted on 7,494 students from a South African distance learning institution, I found that only 27.9% of those surveyed were food secure and 71.7% (5,380 individuals) were moderately to severely food insecure.
The finding is worrying when considered along with the negative impact that food insecurity has on academic outcomes, physical and psychological well-being.
Food insecurity among this group of students cannot be ignored. I recommend that a system of food grants should be considered.
Which students were the most food insecure
The sample of students was drawn from a South African public open, distance and e-learning institution with approximately 370,000 students. These students were from all walks of life. The majority of respondents (5,670) were female; 23% were male (1,705). The institution as a whole has a 70:30 female-to-male ratio.
About 61% (4,573) of respondents were the first in their immediate family to attend tertiary education. About 12% (896) were members of the LGBTI+ community. It was important to consider this group as some research shows they are disproportionately affected by food insecurity.
Only one in five of respondents were working full time and 14% were studying full time. The biggest group (26%) were unemployed and looking for work; 21% were not looking for work. The remainder were engaged in various forms of employment and study.
The majority (43%) indicated that they were dependent on some form of government grant as their main income, followed by 26% who relied on salaries or wages, 10% who were reliant on their parents and 12% who had no form of income. In terms of household income, 40% earned up to R1,200 (about US$68) per month.
When this data was broken down further, stark patterns of food access emerged.
those who identified as Black Africans reported the highest levels of food insecurity (42%)
43.8% of first generation students reported severe food insecurity (compared with 27% of other students who were not first generation students)
members of the LGBTQ+ community were also found to be more at risk of severe food insecurity than the total response population.
Impact of food insecurity on students
Food insecurity has a negative impact on academic outcomes and on physical and psychological wellbeing.
Students may repurpose funds intended for study purposes to buy food, leaving them without the necessary materials to participate effectively in their education.
Psychological impacts of food insecurity can include increased rates of depression and anxiety associated with concerns around obtaining sufficient food.
Students may consume poor, more affordable food, higher in energy density but lower in nutrients.
Food pantries and grants
Open, distance and e-learning institutions face a challenge when it comes to addressing food insecurity. Students are geographically dispersed and may be enrolled in large numbers. The food pantry programmes found in contact institutions are simply not viable as the infrastructure required is large and costly.
Food pantry programmes are one of the most widely used interventions to combat food insecurity at universities globally. Common barriers to use are the stigma associated with using them, high rate of volunteer staff turnover, location of the programmes and complexity of eligibility criteria, among others.
Given the findings, I suggest that food grants for distance education students are necessary. Public-private partnerships could be explored, too, to address the issue of distance education student hunger.
– Hunger among South African students: study shows those studying remotely need financial aid for food – https://theconversation.com/hunger-among-south-african-students-study-shows-those-studying-remotely-need-financial-aid-for-food-264542
HE Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al-Thani met Saturday with Commander of the United States Central Command, Admiral Charles Bradford Cooper, who is visiting the country. During the meeting, they discussed the close strategic relations between the State of Qatar and the United States of America and ways to support and strengthen them, particularly in the areas of military and defense cooperation, in addition to a number of topics of common interest.
The State of Qatar affirmed that, through its various sectoral policies and strategies, it has worked to empower women and provide them with full opportunities in all fields through an integrated approach that works to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women and girls, with an equal focus on social and economic aspects. This came in the statement of the State of Qatar, delivered by First Secretary at the Office of the Minister of State at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Khalid Saeed Al Muqbil, during his participation in the interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the right to development, item 3, within the framework of the 60th session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva. He considered that the full and effective participation of women in all aspects of life, on an equal footing, is a fundamental and effective element for achieving development, and explained that while the United Nations Declaration on the Right to Development prohibits discrimination on the basis of gender, Sustainable Development Goal 5 specifically emphasizes gender equality and the empowerment of women as a fundamental global goal for achieving sustainable development. He pointed out that Qatari women, at the national level, play a pivotal role in comprehensive development, and enjoy government support that focuses on empowering them in various economic, social, and political sectors, within the framework of Qatar National Vision 2030, which aims to build a sustainable society capable of achieving economic growth and social well-being. He highlighted the State of Qatar’s hosting of the Second World Summit for Social Development in Doha in November 2025, expressing hope that this important global event will constitute an opportunity to enhance the full and equal participation of women in efforts to achieve and sustain development. The First Secretary at the Office of the Minister of State thanked the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to developmentآ Surya Deva, for his valuable efforts in carrying out his mandate.
The State of Qatar expresses its strong condemnation and denunciation of the attack that targeted a military convoy in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province, northwest of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, which resulted in a number of fatalities.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs reaffirms the State of Qatar’s firm position rejecting violence, terrorism, and criminal acts, regardless of the motives or reasons behind them.
The Ministry also extends the State of Qatar’s condolences to the families of the victims, as well as to the government and people of Pakistan.
La Banque Africaine d’Import-Export (Afreximbank) (www.Afreximbank.com) et le Midstream and Downstream Gas Infrastructure Fund (MDGIF) [Fonds d’infrastructure gazière intermédiaire et aval (MDGIF)] ont signé un protocole d’accord historique visant à mettre en place un cadre de collaboration pour promouvoir, développer et améliorer les infrastructures gazières au Nigeria.
L’accord a été signé en marge de la quatrième Foire commerciale intra-africaine (IATF 2025), qui vient de s’achever, par Mme Helen Brume, Directrice des projets et des financements basés sur les actifs pour Afreximbank, et M. Oluwole Adama, Directeur exécutif, au nom du MDGIF. Le protocole d’accord met l’accent sur les modèles de prestation pilotés par le secteur privé et s’aligne sur les mandats et les priorités stratégiques des deux institutions.
Selon les termes du protocole d’accord, Afreximbank et le MDGIF collaboreront avec l’objectif principal de mobiliser jusqu’à 500 millions de dollars US sur une période de quatre ans pour soutenir des projets d’infrastructures intermédiaires et en aval.
L’investissement sera structuré sous forme d’un financement mixte de dette senior et d’apports en capitaux propres, examiné dans le cadre des mandats respectifs et indépendants des deux institutions, avec pour priorité d’accélérer la modernisation et l’expansion du secteur gazier du Nigeria.
Les principaux domaines de collaboration comprennent :
Investissement ciblé dans les infrastructures gazières : identification et hiérarchisation conjointes des projets éligibles, avec des objectifs annuels afin de garantir l’atteinte des ambitions d’investissement.
Financement par dette senior : Afreximbank envisagera d’accorder un financement direct et des garanties de risque de crédit pour soutenir les transactions de financement de projets, en collaboration avec les institutions financières locales.
Soutien préparatoire aux projets : mise en place d’un appui dédié, soit par financement, soit par cadre de soutien, pour la réalisation d’études de faisabilité, de structuration juridique, d’évaluations environnementales et autres activités préparatoires nécessaires à la bancabilité des projets gaziers.
Financement en fonds propres : le MDGIF envisagera des apports en capitaux propres afin de compléter la dette senior d’Afreximbank, permettant ainsi la structuration complète du capital pour les projets éligibles.
Promotion et plaidoyer : le MDGIF tirera parti des plateformes d’Afreximbank, y compris la Foire commerciale intra-africaine, pour promouvoir ses initiatives et mobiliser les parties prenantes.
Renforcement des capacités : élaboration d’un programme structuré visant à renforcer les compétences institutionnelles du MDGIF en matière de structuration de projets, de gestion des risques et de financement innovant.
S’agissant de la collaboration entre les deux parties, Mme Kanayo Awani, vice-présidente exécutive d’Afreximbank, chargée du commerce intra-africain et du développement des exportations souligne :
« Ce protocole d’accord marque une étape importante dans notre engagement commun à accélérer la transformation économique de l’Afrique. En combinant la grande expertise d’Afreximbank dans le domaine du commerce et du financement de projets avec la portée nationale des investissements du MDGIF, nous sommes prêts à ouvrir de nouvelles perspectives de croissance inclusive et de développement durable au Nigeria et, potentiellement, dans toute la sous-région de l’Afrique de l’Ouest ».
Mme Awani ajoute : « Nous sommes prêts à collaborer avec le MDGIF pour faire avancer le développement de projets d’infrastructures gazières au Nigeria, qui apporteront une valeur ajoutée aux ressources naturelles du pays. Cette intervention est également importante car elle s’inscrit dans le cadre du programme d’industrialisation et de développement des exportations d’Afreximbank. »
Pour sa part, M. Oluwole Adama, Directeur exécutif du MDGIF, a indiqué que ce partenariat est un puissant levier de mobilisation de capitaux.
« Fondé sur notre mandat légal en vertu de la loi sur l’industrie pétrolière et conforme au programme du Président Bola Ahmed Tinubu visant à exploiter les ressources gazières du Nigeria pour l’industrialisation et la croissance économique, ce partenariat avec Afreximbank permet au MDGIF de mobiliser des capitaux, de développer des infrastructures essentielles en amont et en aval, de réduire le torchage et de fournir des solutions énergétiques durables qui alimentent les industries, créent des emplois et améliorent les moyens de subsistance à travers tout le Nigeria. », a-t-il indiqué.
Assistant à la cérémonie au nom du gouvernement nigérian, le Ministre d’État chargé des ressources pétrolières (gaz) a déclaré : « Grâce à ce partenariat, nous libérons le potentiel nécessaire pour mobiliser jusqu’à 500 millions de dollars US au cours des quatre prochaines années pour les infrastructures gazières du Nigéria.
Mieux encore, nous sommes en train de créer une réserve de projets bancables, soutenus par des études de faisabilité, la préparation de projets et des mécanismes de partage des risques, qui accéléreront le rythme des investissements dans les pipelines et le traitement ». La quatrième Foire commerciale intra-africaine (IATF2025), qui vient de s’achever, a été un énorme succès, dépassant toutes les attentes.
L’événement a attiré plus de 112 000 participants, en personne et en ligne, et a généré plus de 48 milliards de dollars de transactions commerciales. Il a réuni plus de 2 100 exposants et a enregistré la participation par 20 chefs d’État et représentants de gouvernements, ainsi que plusieurs ministres et autres hauts fonctionnaires et chefs d’entreprise de premier plan.
À propos de la Foire commerciale intra-africaine :
Organisée par la Banque Africaine d’Import-Export (Afreximbank), la Commission de l’Union africaine (CUA) et le Secrétariat de la Zone de libre-échange continentale africaine (ZLECAf), la Foire commerciale intra-africaine vise à fournir une plate-forme unique pour faciliter l’échange d’informations sur le commerce et l’investissement afin de soutenir le développement du commerce et de l’investissement intra-africains, en particulier dans le contexte de la mise en œuvre de l’Accord sur la Zone de libre-échange continentale africaine (ZLECAf). La Foire commerciale intra-africaine réunit les acteurs continentaux et internationaux afin qu’ils présentent et exposent leurs biens et services, tout en explorant les opportunités d’affaires et d’investissement sur le continent. L’IATF offre en outre une plateforme pour partager des informations sur le commerce, les investissements et le marché avec les parties prenantes et permet aux participants d’examiner et d’identifier des solutions aux difficultés auxquelles sont confrontés le commerce et l’investissement intra-africain. Outre les participants africains, la foire commerciale est ouverte aux entreprises et aux investisseurs de pays non africains qui souhaitent faire des affaires en Afrique et soutenir sa transformation grâce à l’industrialisation et au développement des exportations
À propos du MDGIF :
Le Midstream and Downstream Gas Infrastructure Fund (MDGIF) est une initiative stratégique relevant de la loi nigériane sur l’industrie pétrolière, qui vise à catalyser les investissements dans les infrastructures gazières afin de soutenir l’utilisation nationale et la croissance axée sur les exportations.
L’objectif principal du Fonds est de réaliser des investissements en capital dans des participations publiques ou des intérêts d’actionnaires dans des infrastructures liées aux opérations gazières en amont et en aval, dans le but d’augmenter la consommation nationale de gaz naturel au Nigeria dans le cadre de projets financés en partie par des investissements privés. En outre, le fonds vise à encourager les investissements privés par le partage des risques en participant initialement à des projets à haut risque sélectionnés et à d’autres investissements en capital qui encouragent les investissements dans les infrastructures gazières en amont et en aval. Ces initiatives visent à réduire ou à éliminer le torchage du gaz au Nigeria.
