Author: MIL-OSI Publisher

Posted on

The Clean Cooking Quest: It’s Time for the International Energy Agency (IEA) to Fight for Africa – Not Against it

Source: APO – Report:

.

The U.S. has intensified pressure on the International Energy Agency (IEA) – signaling that it could withdraw from the institution unless it refocuses on its founding mandate of safeguarding global energy security.

U.S. Secretary of Energy Chris Wright said Washington is not satisfied with the Paris-based agency’s current direction, arguing that its modelling and outlooks have become overly shaped by climate ideology at the expense of practical energy realities. He was direct in his messaging when he said that the IEA must return to prioritizing energy access and solvable clean cooking solutions.

For years, African leaders and private-sector stakeholders have argued that the IEA drifted from its original purpose – becoming increasingly politicized in its outlooks and instrumental in shaping restrictive financing narratives around oil and gas. The African Energy Chamber (AEC) has consistently maintained that this shift has had real consequences for developing economies, contributing to capital flight from African hydrocarbons and slowing the continent’s ability to tackle widespread energy poverty. If the IEA is now reassessing its position, the question is whether this represents genuine reform – or political expediency under mounting global pressure.

A History of Weaponizing Energy Outlooks  

The IEA has politicized its outlooks and adopted an anti-oil and gas agenda that directly undermined African development ambitions for years. Its 2021 net-zero roadmap – updated in 2025 – became a weapon used by financiers and multilateral institutions to restrict capital flows into Africa’s energy sector. Some of the objectives include no new investment for fossil fuel supply after 2021 and sales of fossil fuel boilers after 2025. It also condemns international combustion engine car sales after 2035, targeting 60% electric car sales and 50% electric heavy trucks from 2035.

These steps assume a lot about the state of the world – assumptions that are faulty, especially for Africa. For one, it will require universal energy access by 2030 – including electricity and clean cooking. With approximately 592 million Africans currently without this access, the continent is going to be hard-pressed to flip that switch in less than 10 years.

The IEA’s roadmap also relies on unprecedented investments in renewables – a substantial boost in clean energy investments from the $1 trillion made over the last five years all the way up to $5 trillion annually by 2030 – and cooperation from policymakers who are unified in their efforts. In this idyllic partnership, Africa’s Western counterparts talk a good game. But the fact is, to date, these same Western countries have invested little to no funding into Africa’s renewables space. To our dismay even the international oil companies that have tried to accept the IEA’s publicity stunt have little or no renewable projects in Africa.

OPEC wrote in response to IEA’s roadmap release that “For many developing countries, the pathway to net zero without international assistance is not clear. Technical and financial support is needed to ensure deployment of key technologies and infrastructure. Without greater international co‐operation, global CO2 emissions will not fall to net zero by 2050.”

The damage of the roadmap has been profound. Global financiers such as BNP Paribas and HSBC halted all new oil and gas financing while institutions such as Barclays, Nedbank and Deutsche Bank moved to selectively finance projects. In 2019, the World Bank also announced that it will stop direct investments in upstream oil and gas. When African countries were fighting for the development of strategic gas resources, one of the continent’s biggest institutional opponents was the IEA.  

“A bank should evaluate investment in an African oil field based on a project’s viability and associated risk, just as it would for a Norwegian, British or American project. Yet they don’t. This is precisely why the AEC plans to hold several banks legally accountable for promoting financial apartheid in the energy sector,” states NJ Ayuk, Executive Chairman, AEC.

The Clean Cooking Challenge

With over 900 million people in Africa living without access to clean cooking solutions, addressing the problem of energy security is no longer an isolated challenge – it’s a strategic imperative. If Africa were to listen to the IEA, there would be no investment to address this challenge. Europe would not gain access to African gas supplies, making projects such as Angola LNG, Congo LNG, Greater Tortue Ahmeyim in Senegal/Mauritania, Equatorial Guinea’s Gas Mega Hub and Algerian production facilities obsolete. At a time when Mozambique LNG is resuming and Libya, Egypt and Nigeria are looking to produce more, IEA recommendations could prove catastrophic for Africa’s clean cooking quest.

Delivering remarks during the IEA’s 2026 Ministerial this week, Secretary Wright underscored that with $4 billion invested annually, the world can accelerate the rollout of clean cooking solutions and lift nearly two billion people out of energy poverty. While the IEA should be at the forefront of this drive, Secretary Wright highlighted how a focus on climate change has redirected critical financing away from hydrocarbons.

“The world today spends $1 trillion in the name of fighting climate change – collectively over $10 trillion in the last 20 years. What has been the upside of that? Only 2.6% of global energy comes from solar, wind, batteries and the increased transmission lines to promote them. This has only had meaningful penetration in rich countries,” he said.

A 2024 report by U.S. Senator John Barrasso further condemns the IEA for its renewable approach, arguing that the organization is increasingly responsible for feeding the unrealistic view that emerging economies can develop using only renewables. This shift began in 2020 when the IEA ceased creating energy market forecasts based on actual demand and decided to focus exclusively on hypothetical scenarios aligned with extreme emissions reduction targets.

This goes against the very mandate by which the IEA was established. Following an oil crisis and spike in prices in 1974, the IEA was established to ensure reliable, affordable and secure energy supplies worldwide. The organization’s recent history has contradicted this mandate.

“Africa will not make energy poverty history by abandoning the very resources that can fund its development. Oil and gas are not the problem – underdevelopment is. Organizations such as the IEA have played a central role in restricting financing, politicizing fossil fuels and impacting African energy development. That needs to stop,” adds Ayuk.

A Step in the Right Direction

Despite its history of inaction, the IEA seems to be moving in the right direction, announcing that it will host the Clean Cooking Alliance (CCA) – launched in 2010 – to tackle the global clean cooking crisis. The IEA will partner with governments and industry to accelerate universal clean cooking access, integrating the CCA within the IEA. The U.S. is also ramping-up its clean cooking support. Secretary Wright announced the launch of a Clean Cooking Accelerator Program to help build infrastructure to enable faster deployment of clean cooking solutions – focusing primarily on Africa. While these efforts are notable, much more needs to be done.

“Reform at the IEA must go beyond press releases. It must include a recalibration of outlooks to reflect differentiated development pathways, a rejection of blanket investment bans and an acknowledgment that African hydrocarbons are compatible with global climate goals,” Ayuk stated. “The AEC believes that Secretary Wright needs to put more teeth on his clean cooking and energy poverty plan. The African private sector will fund it. We don’t want aid – we want partnerships.”

– on behalf of African Energy Chamber.

Posted on

Streetlights in Lagos can boost safety and grow the economy. Why not everyone benefits

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Adewumi Badiora, Senior Lecturer, Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Olabisi Onabanjo University

Nigeria is urbanising at a remarkable speed. Some of the world’s fastest growing cities are in the west African country.

With the current rate of urbanisation, Kano, Ibadan, Abuja and Port Harcourt will surpass the 10 million inhabitants mega city threshold by 2050. According to United Nations estimates, Lagos will be the largest city in the world by 2100, accommodating more than 88 million people, up from the present population of about 25 million.

The rapid urbanisation and other issues, such as climate change, limited public finance and extreme poverty, are putting pressure on the government to provide better basic public infrastructure, especially in informal settlements.

Street lighting is one area of public infrastructure where there is a clear need, and potential, for improvement.

Street lighting plays a crucial role in public safety and security, and it promotes inclusive social and economic development by boosting local commerce, street businesses and community engagement.

Conventional grid-based street lights and other technologies like LED lights powered by solar energy have been installed in parts of Nigeria but are still lacking in many cities.

I have been researching various aspects of urban and community safety in Nigeria, particularly in the country’s south-west. I currently lead the African Cities Research Consortium safety and security domain action research in Lagos.

I co-authored a recent research report about the condition of street lights in Lagos. I interviewed 17 key informants in a bid to understand the provision, challenges, quality and impact of street lighting in Africa’s foremost mega city. Respondents included residents and community associations, state agencies, private sector companies, and nongovernmental agencies.

We found that street light provision by the state has been orientated towards elite neighbourhoods, while households in disadvantaged settlements have less access.

Nevertheless, low-income communities across the city have come together to drive progress. They have enabled residents to achieve some level of street light infrastructure in their neighbourhood by working with the local government, civil society organisations and NGOs.

We argue that solutions will only be found through inclusive engagements that push against established approaches to infrastructure development.

Multiple paybacks of street lighting

Research was conducted in three selected communities: Ilaje-Bariga on the Mainland, Brazilian Quarters on the Island and Ajegunle-Ikorodu in the peri-urban area. The three communities have either past or ongoing street light projects being delivered via sponsorship or collaboration between the Community Development Association, state or nonstate institutions.

Economic and social benefits were particularly prominent. Residents feel safer going out after dark when streets are well lit, while workers feel safer walking to and from their homes early in the morning and at night.

Businesses on newly lit streets have seen increased revenue as a result of vendors and traders being able to operate for longer after nightfall.

A previous case study established that extending trading times beyond daylight hours could add tens of thousands of working hours daily to the economy.

A respondent commented: “Policing work is now better in the night and we do not need to rely on battery-powered torchlight while on street patrol or checks.”

Another added: “We used to have cases of robbery, but the street light makes everywhere lit like daytime … the hoodlums are no longer able to perpetrate their act.”

Hurdles of street light provisions

Some obstacles remain, however. Our research uncovered many reasons as to why street light projects are not long-lasting or are unsuccessful. Limited budgeting and politically driven procurement are key challenges.

We found that the high costs and limited state budgets mean that certain areas of the city are prioritised and other areas neglected. The ruling class receives more political and economic support.

Across the three communities researched, the average cost of installation of one solar street light pole is US$200-800, compared to US$1,150 for a conventional grid powered streetlight. The difference in operating costs is where the economics of solar powered, compared to conventional, street lighting becomes most compelling.

Politically driven procurement spotlights the need to favour cronies on the selection, awarding and implementation of street light infrastructure. Projects are awarded in favour of individuals (usually party members and not necessarily an expert) in exchange for political support.

The lack of technical expertise at the local and state levels remains a critical barrier, according to our study. This is displayed in poor procurement processes, infrastructure maintenance issues and inefficient use of limited public funds.

Because of corruption, the full value of project allocation is rarely received by suppliers. As one respondent explained: “In most cases, the money allocated for projects does not get to us. There are bottlenecks here and there that will drain off most of the project fund.” This leaves limited capital to deliver quality infrastructure and streetlight projects are poorly delivered or abandoned before completion, for want of funds.

Other street lighting projects are abandoned because succeeding regimes refuse to continue predecessor projects.

There is also the challenge of vandalism and theft involving street light equipment. There have been situations where “area boys” – Lagos street gangs – restricted street light installation and where equipment parts were stolen.

Overcoming the obstacles

The solutions can only be found through inclusive engagements. Our study recommends the following steps:

  • Involve a wide range of players, particularly local communities, in planning and delivering street lighting.

  • Build an enabling environment for private-sector-led renewable solutions and investment in sustainable lighting technologies, such as LED lights.

  • Create a robust regulatory framework to produce sustainable lighting technologies locally.

  • Improve state budget and investment funding for street lighting.

  • Develop capacity in the public sector to plan, design, finance and deliver projects.

  • Support low-income neighbourhoods and informal communities.

  • Separate political, personal interests from good governance and ensure transparency in the procurement process in practice.

So far, the large-scale initiative involving the deployment of over 22,000 solar street lights has engaged with residents in areas like Ikotun, Alausa, Ketu, Kosofe, Marina, Lekki and Surulere. Community feedback on the safety and environmental benefits has been integrated into the project. The project adopted LED lighting, which is more cost effective and energy-efficient.

– Streetlights in Lagos can boost safety and grow the economy. Why not everyone benefits
– https://theconversation.com/streetlights-in-lagos-can-boost-safety-and-grow-the-economy-why-not-everyone-benefits-275581

Posted on

Should South Africa use the army to fight gangs? The short answer is no

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Lindy Heinecken, Professor of Sociology in the Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology., Stellenbosch University

When President Cyril Ramaphosa announced the deployment of the South African National Defence Force to the provinces of Gauteng and the Western Cape in his 2026 State of the Nation Address, he was met with desperate applause by a crime-weary nation. This is largely due to police failure in almost every aspect of their duties in protecting citizens from crime and violence. Hence the call to bring in the army.

But my research in the field of armed forces and society suggests this “show of force” creates a dangerous moral hazard. If the army is always available to “stablise” a hot spot, there’s no pressure on the South African Police Service to root out corruption, improve intelligence-gathering and rebuild community trust.

All three are weak spots in the country’s police service, affecting their ability to deal with criminal and violent crime.

Gang violence – one of the areas the defence force has been called on to control – is the byproduct of systemic neglect such as unemployment, lack of infrastructure and poor education. As long as the structural violence (lack of jobs and infrastructure) and cultural violence (the need for gang identity) remain, the military can only provide a temporary “lid” on the violence. But constantly relying on the military when core governance and policing institutions fail places the country on a dangerous, remilitarised path where military solutions begin to dominate civilian life.

An extensive international comparative study which drew in experts from 26 different countries shows that domestic military use raises concerns about democratic backsliding and extra-judicial abuse of coercive power. It shows most countries avoid using the military internally for coercive law enforcement roles due to these concerns.

The façade of action

South Africans voice the same concerns, yet the South African National Defence Force has increasingly found itself deployed to “safeguard the nation”, which includes combating gang violence.

In the 2019 deployment to the Cape Flats, gang-affected neighbourhoods in Cape Town, the initial presence of troops saw a temporary dip in crime. In 2019, the situation in the Cape Flats was described as “war zone”. In the first six months of 2019 alone, over 1,800 murders were recorded in the Western Cape.

The intervention showed that the South African National Defence Force could stabilise and bring about a “negative peace” by temporarily stopping the shooting and violence, but this was not lasting. Once the troops withdrew, the murder rate surged back to – and in some areas exceeded – pre-deployment levels.

Similar trends have been found in countries such as Brazil, El Salvador and Mexico, where the army is deployed.

An initial visible drop is frequently short-lived. It’s also costly to civil liberties and prone to fragmenting criminal groups into even more violent factions.

Military trained for combat

While the president may order the South African National Defence Force to deploy and the generals can command them into “battle”, troops on the ground express major misgivings.

The views of soldiers were presented to the Joint Standing Committee on Defence in Parliament on 13 February 2026 in Cape Town. These were based on a soon-to-be-published study of the experiences of soldiers on external and internal deployments.

Their responses reveal a deep conflict.

Soldiers overwhelmingly said they believed that this was not what the South African National Defence Force was established for.

My research shows four major challenges.

Firstly, there is inherent conflict between military training and policing roles.

Soldiers are trained to use lethal force, not for the restraint, negotiation and minimum force required in civilian law enforcement.

Secondly, they also lack the necessary “minimum force” tools (body cameras, non-lethal restraints) necessary for urban operations. Instead, they’re equipped with assault rifles like the R4. In dense urban environments like the Cape Flats, using such a weapon creates a massive risk of collateral damage. A single bullet can travel through multiple shack walls or bystanders.

Thirdly, they haven’t been trained in the “soft skills” of policing, such as persuasion and de-escalation. The result is that soldiers often resort to intimidation to maintain control. In the absence of handcuffs or the legal power to process arrests, soldiers sometimes resort to “street justice”. For example, during the COVID-19 lockdown, the public witnessed soldiers forcing citizens to “frog jump” or do push-ups as punishment.

These incidents severely damaged the military’s professional reputation.

Fourth, the mandate and rules of engagement for soldiers are often limited. Criminals and “zama zamas” (illegal artisanal miners – the other area Ramaphosa listed for troop deployment) have morphed into criminal syndicates. These exploit the fact that soldiers are not legally empowered to shoot unless their lives are directly threatened.

This creates a “toothless tiger” effect where the military is present but unable to intervene in active property crimes or smuggling without risking murder charges.

Lastly, these deployments prevent the army from meeting its primary mandate: while soldiers are diverted to “gangbusting”, South Africa’s borders remain porous, allowing criminals and illegal immigrants to flow into the country. The South African Defence Force has few dedicated resources for domestic operations. It has to draw equipment and personnel from other units, which are needed elsewhere.

Currently, the defence force has only 15 companies to protect a land border approximately 4,470km long. This requires at least 22 companies.

In 2023, the president authorised some 3,300 soldiers to be deployed at an estimated cost of roughly R492 million (over US$30 million) against illegal mining across all provinces.

Troops are being used to guard holes in the ground, tying up elite infantry units in static guard duties, causing their primary combat skills to atrophy.

The way forward

If the state continues to use the military internally, the current “one-size-fits-all” combat model must be abandoned. The soldiers themselves suggest a need for a specialised, multi-role component, akin to Italy’s Carabiniere or the United States National Guard, trained specifically for internal security and non-lethal force. This requires a change in military doctrine and the core mandate of the South African National Defence Force.

What this implies is that the military must develop a specific Urban Constabulary Doctrine that integrates human rights frameworks and community-centric policing strategies into its training. This demands a doctrinal pivot. A revision in the military’s core mandate is essential to ensure that soldiers are trained in proportionality, de-escalation and civil-military cooperation, rather than purely kinetic combat operations.

Until then, the goal must be a “task-oriented” approach – intervene, contain, and exit. The details and timeframe of the latest deployment are yet to be confirmed. The military should be a temporary shield, not a permanent crutch for a failing police service. South Africa must stop asking its soldiers to be the police before they lose the pride and dignity that defines a professional army.

– Should South Africa use the army to fight gangs? The short answer is no
– https://theconversation.com/should-south-africa-use-the-army-to-fight-gangs-the-short-answer-is-no-276286

Posted on

African Union: how does it make a difference in everyday life and what would happen if it didn’t exist?

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ulf Engel, Professor, Institute of African Studies, University of Leipzig

The African Union held its 39th Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in February 2026. The two-day assembly produced the usual number of decisions and declarations across African peace and security, trade, governance and development.

Such gatherings, however, can feel distant from the everyday realities of African citizens. They are a showcase of high-level diplomacy that can feel far removed from public life.

Since the Union’s establishment in July 2002, the AU Assembly and the AU Executive Council (the meeting of ministers) have taken more than 2,000 decisions. Usually decisions are prepared by ambassadors to the African Union, and then adopted by the assembly or the executive council.

If one were to go by media reports, the AU would be largely seen as ineffective and irrelevant, a political project driven by elites who are detached from citizens in the 55 member states. But the reality is more multifaceted and complex.

In its 2000 Constitutive Act the AU aimed at becoming a union of and for African people. So have its decisions and processes translated into meaningful change for African people?

Very little is known about how African citizens think about the African Union. In 2025, Afrobarometer, a survey research network, polled thousands of respondents in 30 African countries. Of these, 57% said their country’s interests were recognised in continental affairs. But this doesn’t say anything about how they as citizens feel represented and served by the union. Further, an average of 55% of respondents thought that the AU’s economic and political influence on their own country was positive. This varied between 79% (Liberia) and 30% (Tunisia).

Following conflicts and power grabs across parts of the continent, criticism of the AU’s effectiveness is growing. This is particularly in the vital area of peace and security, which affects millions of people’s lives.

In my view as a researcher of the AU, and a long-standing observer and advisor on its political affairs, peace and security department, I would argue that the AU is making a difference for African citizens. I’ll highlight three areas that are not usually the focus of attention but that make my point.

These are climate change, governance and public health. In my view, these three stand out because each of them really shows how the continental organisation can make a difference for the people.

The AU in people’s lives

1. Climate change

The challenges arising from the consequences of climate change in Africa are enormous and can be observed in many parts of the continent. Just think of the torrential rains and floods in southern Africa in early 2026.

Climate mitigation and adaption are negotiated in global forums. This mainly happens at the annual Conference of the Parties (COP). This is the decision-making body of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.

Without a common African position – which is developed by the AU – citizens would have no chance of being heard internationally or have their interests addressed. The system is not perfect, but the AU empowers its member states and enables several African NGOs to come into these international processes.

2. Governance

The AU has opened and secured considerable legal opportunities for citizens in the area of governance through the establishment of several institutions and policies. These include the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (located in Gabon), the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Tanzania) and the African Peer Review Mechanism (South Africa). These structures allow African citizens to make legal claims. NGOs can shadow report on their governments’ submissions to these bodies. Additionally, civil society organisations can contribute to a country’s governance self-assessment.

In this way, the AU is a driving force in the further development of the rights of its citizens.

It is also driving the Africanisation of international law. This refers to development or co-production of international legal norms and standards.

What’s needed now is for member states to ratify existing legal provisions so citizens can reap the intended rewards.

3. Public health

The establishment of Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) following the Ebola epidemic in west Africa in 2014-2016 was a turning point for public health in Africa.

During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020-2022, the Africa CDC enabled member countries to prepare their national health systems to respond better to the pandemic. This was done by, among other things, rolling out a response fund and providing access to health equipment. The gradual build-up of African vaccination capacity after the pandemic would hardly have been possible without a pan-African organisation.

The Africa CDC is now focusing on strengthening public health systems, and building and harmonising disease surveillance systems across countries. It is also developing and implementing emergency preparedness plans for a wide range of diseases, including malaria and tuberculosis.

These are just three out of many more examples that showcase the AU’s impact in everyday life. Others include policies around the free movement of people, free trade, women’s rights and infrastructure development.

These structures demonstrate the usefulness of an organisation that negotiates relations between Africa and the rest of the world, and that also exerts influence within the continent.

What if the AU didn’t exist?

The AU still struggles with numerous challenges, internal tensions and contradictions.

But in the end, member states are the ones that decide how efficient the organisation can be. They also decide how well financed it is to implement the many decisions that member states take at the AU Assembly or Executive Council sessions. Currently, member states’ contributions are capped at US$200 million, which was done to address the economic impacts of COVID-19 but has never been revised. This amount is less than 27% of the AU’s 2026 budget. The remainder is provided by the AU’s international partners, such as the European Union.

Still, the question of what would happen if the AU did not exist does not really arise. It is the body that represents a (particular) vision of pan-African unity and develops common African norms (such as on governance and women rights). It devises practical responses to specific challenges (like health, infrastructure and trade).

Without the AU, the continent would have weaker bargaining power and slower coordination around issues that touch on public life. It offers a way to give 55 countries a common voice in global politics, and to bring together often-conflicting national interests.

In an increasingly volatile global environment, the negotiating and decision-making power of the eight officially recognised regional economic communities alone would not be sufficient for this – even if it sometimes seems as if the distance between the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa and the people of the continent remains great.

– African Union: how does it make a difference in everyday life and what would happen if it didn’t exist?
– https://theconversation.com/african-union-how-does-it-make-a-difference-in-everyday-life-and-what-would-happen-if-it-didnt-exist-276185

Posted on

Africa Taps Regional Partnerships to Turn Critical Minerals into Economic Powerhouse

Source: APO


.

As Africa seeks to capitalize on surging global demand for critical minerals to drive GDP growth and industrialization, regional collaboration is emerging as a strategic imperative to unlock the continent’s full resource potential. Holding approximately 30% of the world’s critical mineral reserves – including the largest global shares of platinum group metals (PGMs), manganese and chrome – Africa is positioned to play a leading role in global supply chains. However, with intra-African trade accounting for only 16% of total African trade, significant opportunities remain to strengthen cross-border cooperation and build integrated mineral value chains. Enhanced regional collaboration offers a pathway for African countries to address longstanding structural challenges, including limited access to financing and inadequate infrastructure and shortages in technical skills.

Recent Regional Cooperation Deals

Against this backdrop, African governments and mining financiers are accelerating partnerships to enhance geological knowledge, unlock investment and strengthen industrial capacity. A notable example is the agreement between Gabon’s Ministry of Mines and Geological Resources and Council for Geoscience of South Africa. The partnership enables Gabon to leverage South Africa’s expertise in geological mapping, exploration and resource assessment to improve its national mineral database and support the diversification of its mining sector. With South Africa’s extensive experience as the world’s leading producer of PGMs, chrome and manganese, as well as its historical position as a dominant gold producer, the agreement provides Gabon with technical support to accelerate the development of its potash, manganese and iron ore sectors. Equally important, the partnership prioritizes local capacity building, workforce development and knowledge transfer, strengthening Gabon’s institutional and technical capabilities to support long-term mining sector growth.

“Africa’s integration is a strategic economic vision. Harmonizing natural resource laws and aligning with frameworks like the ECOWAS Mining Code and African Minerals Vision is key, but national interests disrupt continental coordination, limiting the continent’s mining potential,” Emmanuel Armah-Kofi Buah, Ghana’s Minister of Lands and Natural Resources said in Cape Town earlier this month.

Financial cooperation is also playing a pivotal role in unlocking regional mineral development. In February 2026, South Africa’s Industrial Development Corporation signed a memorandum of understanding with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)’s Fonds de Promotion de l’Industrie to jointly finance and co-develop projects across the mining, energy and logistics value chain. This agreement brings together two of Africa’s most strategically important mineral economies, combining South Africa’s financial capacity and industrial expertise with the DRC’s vast reserves of cobalt, copper, tin and other critical minerals. By aligning development finance institutions, the partnership reduces funding constraints that have historically delayed project development, while directing capital toward beneficiation infrastructure, processing facilities and transport corridors that enable greater value addition within Africa.

Similarly, several African producers are leveraging South Africa’s technical expertise to de-risk exploration and accelerate mineral sector development. Nigeria and South Sudan have signed cooperation agreements with South African institutions focused on geological mapping, exploration and technical collaboration. These partnerships form part of broader national strategies to diversify economic growth away from petroleum dependence and toward mining-led industrialization. By strengthening geological knowledge and improving resource certainty, such agreements enhance investor confidence, reduce exploration risk and position Nigeria and South Sudan to attract long-term mining investment.

Strategic Value of Regional Cooperation

These agreements reflect a growing recognition among African governments that regional cooperation is essential to unlocking the continent’s mineral wealth. Many of Africa’s most valuable mineral belts extend across national borders, making coordinated infrastructure development, regulatory alignment and investment frameworks critical for efficient resource extraction and commercialization. Regional cooperation enables countries to pool financial resources, share infrastructure such as railways, power systems and ports, and coordinate industrial strategies that support downstream beneficiation and manufacturing.

Speaking in Cape Town in mid-February, Henry Alake, Nigeria’s Minister of Solid Minerals Development, stated: “Africa must finance strategic mineral corridors such as Lagos–Abidjan and Lagos–Maputo, not just to export raw materials, but to build cross-border processing industries that create jobs and retain value within the continent.”

Platform for Advancing Cooperation

Building on the growing momentum for regional cooperation, African Mining Week, taking place from October 14–16 in Cape Town, will serve as a critical platform for advancing partnerships across the continent’s mining sector. The event will bring together policymakers, investors, mining companies and financial institutions to strengthen collaboration, showcase investment opportunities and accelerate the development of integrated African mineral value chains. As Africa positions itself at the center of the global energy transition and critical minerals supply chain, such partnerships will be instrumental in transforming the continent’s resource wealth into long-term economic growth and industrial development.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Energy Capital & Power.

Posted on

Uganda: Christians advised to observe Lent with spiritual reflection

Source: APO


.

The Bishop of Kasese Diocese, Rt. Rev. Francis Aquirinus Kibira has urged Christians to meditate deeply on their inner attitude during the Lenten season, so as to learn oneself and process the convictions of the heart, spirit and soul.

Presiding over the Ash Wednesday Mass at Parliament on 18 February 2026, the Bishop noted that the soul requires training to achieve a good inner attitude, which is the foundation of spiritual life and development.

“We tend to concentrate on external factors like one’s social position, influence, popularity or wealth. But we must challenge our sincerity, honesty, simplicity and humility. The Lenten season is a good opportunity to probe our daily conduct and bring our souls close to God”, Bishop Kibira said.

He added that the elements of Lent that include fasting and alms-giving, draw persons closer to God by disciplining and training the weak body and mind.

The Bishop said the symbolism of ashes put on the forehead portray human frailty and fragility because God used dust (ashes) to create man and blow life into him.

“Ashes cannot hold together unless they are in God’s hands. Ashes also symbolise our mortality because no human being can redeem themselves except with the mercy of God. God displays His power over us by forgiving our sins and showing us merciful love,” Bishop Kibira added.

The congregation that included Members of Parliament raised over Shs47 million towards support preparations by Kasese Catholic Diocese which will lead the Martyrs Day celebrations on 03 June 2026.

In a related development, the Anglican Parliamentary Chaplaincy held a service which was led by Rev. Misusera Mukaddeayigga from Uganda Christian University Mukono.

He emphasised that a call to fasting is slightly different and Christians should not look somber as the hypocrites do during fasting but instead ensure that it remains between them and their God.

“God wants us to fast with sincerity and let it not be obvious to men that you are fasting. Let it only be known to your father who knows everything”, he said.

He encouraged Christians to do soul searching, saying that life is too fast and too noisy for Christians and added that Lent is not only a season to reflect, repent and forgive, but also a season of re-dedication to the Lord.

The Parliamentary Chaplain, Rev. Gillian Amongin Okello beseeched Christians to pray for Parliament and Uganda at large.

“Forgive us oh Lord for the way we use our tongues and for everything that we have done that does not speak to your name. Draw us closer to you”, she prayed.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Parliament of the Republic of Uganda.

Posted on

Lives have been improved but more still needs to be done – President Ramaphosa

Source: Government of South Africa

Lives have been improved but more still needs to be done – President Ramaphosa

Notwithstanding the persistent challenges and need for continued effort, government has profoundly transformed the lives of South Africans in the three decades since the advent of democracy.

This is according to President Cyril Ramaphosa who delivered his reply to the Debate of the State of the Nation Address in Cape Town on Thursday.

“We are a nation of builders. We are a nation that does not run away from problems that our country faces. We confront them. We do not lament and complain. We find solutions.

“When we are faced with challenges, we do not fracture, we do not fall apart, we do not collapse, we unite and work together to overcome those challenges. There can be no doubt that we have made progress. Over 30 years we have fundamentally improved the lives of South Africans,” he said.

The President reflected on the past eight years, noting that South Africa has faced several challenges including the COVID-19 pandemic which devastated the economy.

The country also survived an attempted insurrection aimed at “destabilising democracy,” three provinces had to rebuild in the wake of flooding and, after more than 10 years, load shedding is now under control.

“Over the last eight years our country faced some of the most difficult challenges. But working together, we have undertaken a programme of institutional renewal by stabilising what was weakened through state capture, restoring integrity and accountability, and rebuilding the capacity of the state to serve the people of South Africa,” he noted.

The South African economy is showing signs of growth – expanding steadily over the last four quarters while inflation has also cooled.

“Through effective macroeconomic management, we have been able to tackle an unsustainable debt burden, where we ended up spending more to service our debt than we spent on health or education.

“To deal with all these challenges, we have had to rebuild the capacity of the state and to embark on major reforms, while addressing the immediate challenges that our people are facing.

“All these efforts have been aimed at improving the lives of our people and to create a conducive environment for our economy to grow,” the President explained.

The President acknowledged that while “promising signs of recovery” are evident, some challenges persist.

“[We] still have a long way to go. More than 10 million South Africans are estimated to live below the food poverty line. More than 11 million people are unemployed.

“These are not simply statistics. These are individuals, families and communities that are facing great hardship, that experience violence on a daily basis, that run short of food, that face water cuts and that long for a better life,” he said.

He called on all of society to work with government to grow South Africa.

“We can stand on the sidelines and lament, as some have done in this debate. Or we can roll up our sleeves and work together to change this reality – to build a stronger economy that benefits all South Africans and to build and a more equal society in which all South Africans have a place.

“So, let’s build like beavers: with urgency, with unity and with the quiet determination to make something strong enough to hold – something that lasts and something that shelters more than just ourselves. Let us be the real builders of South Africa, working together,” President Ramaphosa concluded. – SAnews.gov.za

 

 

NeoB

91 views

Posted on

Deadline for comments on anti-money laundering draft bill extended

Source: Government of South Africa

Deadline for comments on anti-money laundering draft bill extended

The National Treasury has extended the deadline for the submission of comments on the General Laws (Anti-Money Laundering and Combating Terrorism Financing) Amendment Bill, 2025 (the draft Bill).

The Bill, published on 14 January 2026, has been extended for a period of 30 days.

“National Treasury would like to notify the public that comments can still be submitted on the draft Bill as the deadline for the submission of public comments was extended to 2 March 2026, as per Government Notice No. 7141, contained in Government Gazette No. 54172 published on 19 February 2026.”

The draft Bill seeks to strengthen the country’s Anti-Money Laundering and Combating Terrorism Financing (AML/CFT) system by addressing the remaining deficiencies identified in the 2021 Financial Action Task Force (FATF) Mutual Evaluation Report for South Africa, and also during the remedial process that culminated in South Africa exiting the FATF greylist in October 2025.

South Africa was placed on the greylist in February 2023 and has been subsequently delisted after successfully implementing key reforms to combat money laundering and the financing of terrorism.

The draft Bill can be accessed on the National Treasury website www.treasury.gov.za.

All written comments can be forwarded to the National Treasury at Commentdraftlegislation@treasury.gov.za by the close of business on 2 March 2026. – SAnews.gov.za

 

nosihle

39 views

Posted on

SADC health ministers to meet next week

Source: Government of South Africa

SADC health ministers to meet next week

Ministers of Health and other Ministers responsible for HIV and AIDS within the Southern African Development Community (SADC) are expected to hold a joint meeting in Johannesburg next week.

According to the Department of Health, the meeting will discuss a “number of priority health issues, review progress made on regional health commitments and strengthen collaboration in addressing shared public health challenges”.

“The region continues to face a burden of disease characterised by the triple threat of high HIV/AIDS prevalence, tuberculosis [TB], and malaria. This is aggravated by rising non-communicable diseases [NCDs] and climate-related health risks of waterborne diseases such as cholera.

“The SADC region accounts for at least one-third of all people living with HIV and AIDS globally, while eight member states are among the countries with the highest rates of TB. On the other hand, about 75% of the population in the region remains at risk of contracting malaria, a deadly but preventable and treatable disease,” the department said.

The meeting provides an opportunity for South Africa to demonstrate its leadership in “actively shaping the regional health agenda, in alignment with national and SADC health priorities”.

“The regional health ministers, joined by representatives from international health organisations — including the World Health Organisation, UNAIDS, UNDP, UNESCO, UNFPA and UNICEF — will also discuss issues such as improved coordination of disease outbreak response as part of ongoing efforts to ensure timely sharing of critical information during health emergencies to prevent and manage cross-border diseases. 

“Some of the topics to dominate the discussions at the two-day summit include ending the TB epidemic in the Southern African region, malaria control and elimination, implementation of the SADC Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights Strategy and Scorecard, Regional Health Financing Hub, and an assessment of the status of health in SADC corrections facilities or prisons,” the department said. – SAnews.gov.za

NeoB

20 views

Posted on

Cabo Verde: Governo lança programa de incentivos ao crédito à habitação para facilitar o acesso à casa própria

Source: Africa Press Organisation – Portuguese –

Baixar .tipo

O Governo de Cabo Verde apresentou terça-feira, 17 de fevereiro, o Programa de Incentivos ao Crédito à Habitação, com destaque para os Juros bonificados do crédito à habitação e a garantia do crédito à habitação Jovem, com o objetivo de criar condições efetivas para que os jovens, mulheres e agregados familiares tenham acesso à casa própria permanente.

A apresentação foi feita pelo Vice-Primeiro-Ministro e Ministro das Finanças, Olavo Correia, acompanhado pelo Ministro das Infraestruturas, Ordenamento do Território e Habitação, Vítor Coutinho. O ato contou ainda com a presença dos presidentes dos Conselhos de Administração do Banco Comercial do Atlântico (BCA) e da Caixa Económica de Cabo Verde, entre outros dirigentes, técnicos e representantes da comunicação social.

Na ocasião, Olavo Correia afirmou que o défice habitacional constitui uma ferida antiga que exige soluções modernas, centradas nas famílias e nas pessoas.

“É uma ferida porque temos, em Cabo Verde, um défice habitacional quantitativo superior a 14 mil habitações por construir e mais de 50 mil habitações existentes que necessitam de reabilitação. Trata-se de uma tarefa árdua, que deve ser encarada a médio prazo, mas que exige medidas corajosas e disruptivas, assentes num plano consistente, coordenado, bem estruturado e rigorosamente executado”, sublinhou.

Segundo Olavo Correia, o acesso à habitação é uma prioridade do Programa do Governo, tanto para o combate à pobreza como para a redução do défice habitacional e a promoção da dignidade de vida dos cabo-verdianos. “É neste contexto que o Governo vem apresentando um programa abrangente para vencer o desafio da habitação”, afirmou.

O Programa de Incentivos ao Crédito à Habitação, no que respeita aos Juros Bonificados e à Garantia do Crédito à Habitação Jovem, constitui um dos pilares centrais desta estratégia mais ampla.

Olavo Correia explicou que muitos jovens e agregados familiares dispõem de rendimentos que não lhes permitem cumprir a taxa de esforço exigida para aceder ao crédito à habitação. Para responder a este constrangimento, o Governo criou um sistema de bonificação jovem, através do qual o Estado comparticipa até 55% da taxa de juro.

“Imaginemos um jovem que contrata um empréstimo de 10 mil contos para habitação, com uma taxa de juro de 6%. O serviço da dívida mensal rondaria os 60 mil escudos. Com um rendimento mensal de 114 mil escudos, a taxa de esforço seria demasiado elevada e o banco não concederia o crédito. Com a bonificação do Estado de 55%, o jovem passaria a pagar menos de metade desse valor, ou seja, menos de 30 mil escudos mensais, tornando viável o acesso ao empréstimo para aquisição da sua casa própria”, explicou.

De acordo com o Vice-Primeiro-Ministro, este sistema permitirá integrar no perímetro de acesso à habitação pessoas que antes estavam excluídas. O mesmo princípio aplica-se aos agregados familiares. “Uma família com rendimento mensal de 114 mil escudos, ao contrair um empréstimo de 10 mil contos a 6%, teria uma taxa de esforço superior a 50%, o que inviabilizaria o financiamento. Com a bonificação estatal de 50%, a prestação mensal reduz-se para cerca de 30 mil escudos, passando a família a reunir condições para aceder ao crédito e concretizar o projeto de habitação própria”, destacou, considerando a medida “transformativa e disruptiva”.

Neste quadro, o Governo vai criar condições efetivas para que mais jovens e famílias possam aceder ao crédito à habitação, seja para aquisição, seja para construção de casa própria, no âmbito de uma parceria já estabelecida com a Caixa Económica de Cabo Verde e o BCA.

O governante esclareceu ainda que, frequentemente, os bancos exigem uma entrada inicial de 10% a 15% de capital próprio, o que constitui um obstáculo adicional para muitos jovens. “Num empréstimo de 10 mil contos, essa entrada pode atingir 1.500 contos. O jovem, em regra, não dispõe desse montante e, sem ele, o banco não concede o crédito. O Estado intervém, então, concedendo uma garantia correspondente a esses 15%, permitindo que o banco financie até 100% do valor e viabilize o acesso ao crédito”, exemplificou.

Olavo Correia considerou tratar-se de uma das medidas mais disruptivas do Governo no domínio da promoção da habitação, apelando ao sistema bancário para atuar com celeridade, simplicidade e transparência. Defendeu uma atuação sem burocracia excessiva, com informação clara e fidedigna, de modo a assegurar que os jovens e as famílias que reúnem os requisitos possam aceder, de forma rápida e eficaz, aos mecanismos de bonificação e garantia para a concretização do sonho da habitação própria.

Distribuído pelo Grupo APO para Governo de Cabo Verde.