KZN Finance encourages Public-Private Partnership approach for Ugu water project
KwaZulu-Natal MEC for Finance Francois Rodgers has urged the Ugu District Municipality to consider adopting a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model for the proposed Cwabeni Bulk Water Supply Upgrade Project.
In a letter addressed to Ugu District Mayor, Sikhumbuzo Mqadi, Rodgers underscored the strategic importance of the project in strengthening water infrastructure and improving service delivery across the district.
The proposed Cwabeni Bulk Water Supply Upgrade Project is aimed at improving bulk water supply capacity in the district. Once implemented, the project is expected to improve reliable access to water for communities, support local economic development, and contribute to sustainable long-term service delivery.
Rodgers described the Ugu District Municipality as a vital partner within the local government sphere in advancing infrastructure development that directly benefits communities.
“Public-Private Partnerships allow us to bring together public oversight and private-sector expertise to fast-track delivery. For the people of Ugu, this means improved access to reliable water, better infrastructure, and services delivered in an efficient and sustainable manner,” Rodgers said.
He added that PPPs play a critical role in building a capable and ethical state by strengthening accountability, improving performance, and ensuring value for money in public infrastructure investments. – SAnews.gov.za
Tourism Minister Patricia de Lille has welcomed the increase in international tourism arrivals in the month of April 2026 which is the highest increase the country has seen since the start of the year.
“This is our highest monthly year-on-year increase since the start of the year. This means that despite the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, which has led to global flight disruptions and ticket fare price increases South Africa has not only defended its markets but has also grown in some regions, “Minister de Lille said on Wednesday.
According to Statics South Africa’s monthly International Tourism Report, which was released on Wednesday, the month of April recorded 989 329 tourist arrivals marking a 19.5% increase when compared to the same period last year.
Inbound travel from Singapore increased by 70.5% (938 arrivals) in April 2026 while arrivals from Brazil increased by 37.5% (5 953 arrivals).
The total number of arrivals from January 2026 to April 2026 increased by 14.1% year-on-year, to 3 899 358. This is an additional 482 935 increase in international arrivals when compared to Jan-April 2025.
The Minister said that in July Brazilian carrier LATAM airline will launch three weekly direct flights between São Paulo and Cape Town.
“The airline was initially scheduled to launch these flights in September but has brough the date forward due to increased demand. Meanwhile, on 24 June 2026 Spanish carrier, Air Europa will launch its inaugural direct flight between Madrid and Johannesburg,” said the Minister.
According to the report, overseas tourists constituted 18.4% (181 796) of all tourists. –SAnews.gov.za
The Minister of Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment, Willie Aucamp, has welcomed the 2025/26 Marion Island overwintering team back to South Africa, after his instruction for their urgent evacuation after delays affecting the departure of the SA Agulhas II relief voyage.
The team comprises experts from various disciplines, including meteorology, engineering, medicine, and communications. Each member plays a crucial role in ensuring the success of South Africa’s Antarctic research programme.
“While the temporary closure of the base is unfortunate following the emergency evacuation, my team and I felt it was important to prioritise the safety and well-being of our people. That is why I ordered the evacuation and it was worth it,” Aucamp said on Wednesday.
The delays were caused by the unavailability of crucial fuel products that are blended with normal diesel and used to produce the special polar diesel required to keep the base running in extremely low outside temperatures that would otherwise crystallise normal diesel.
The vessel was authorised to sail on “Ice Mode”, which is the use of maximum speed to reach Marion Island as quickly as possible.
Owing to the importance of the research and environmental management programmes being undertaken at the base, Minister Aucamp has confirmed that the department is working hard to get the base back up and running, with a full team and adequate supplies.
It is hoped that this can be achieved within two to three weeks, depending on a couple of factors, including safe weather conditions that allow helicopter operations at the base.
During the engagement with the team, the Minister thanked the overwintering team and their families for their patience and support during the past couple of weeks, after which he and the Director-General, Nomfundo Tshabalala, handed out certificates to the whole team.
“Now that we have secured the well-being of our people, we will work to restart the systems at the base, undertake repairs, restock the food and fuel supplies, while also initiating various interventions to mitigate against future risks during all voyages to the three South African remote scientific bases,” the Minister said.
To start with, the department has secured an 18-month supply of polar diesel so that the base has a sufficient contingency of fuel.
“We are also looking into the procurement of a large fuel depot facility where this polar fuel could be stored, not only for our own use, but also for the potential use of other countries that operate polar bases.
“South Africa remains committed to its Antarctic and sub-Antarctic research programme, which contributes significantly to climate science, biodiversity conservation, oceanographic research, and global environmental monitoring,” the Minister said. –SAnews.gov.za
The State of Qatar has underscored that it is thoroughly committed to the United Nations Charter and called for ending the persistent breaches of this Charter.
Qatar pointed out that it will steadfastly continue its efforts, as well as its regional and international partnerships, to reinforce the UN-centric, Charter-based international order.
This was declared in the State of Qatar’s statement delivered by HE Permanent Representative of the State of Qatar to the United Nations Sheikha Alya Ahmed bin Saif Al-Thani before the High-level Open Debate: Upholding the UN Charter and Strengthening the UN-Centred International System, convened at the UN headquarters in New York.
The UN Charter, whose pillars had been established by the end of WWII, has never been merely a legal document on a single day, but rather a moral treaty based on an enduring pledge to keep the scourge of wars at bay, Her Excellency underlined.
She noted that the Charter-based international order is currently facing unprecedented challenges demonstrated in the egregious attacks on the sovereignty of nations and their territorial integrity.
These assaults erode the UN’s credibility and create a sorely needed credible political will that confirms commitment to this Charter and strengthens plurality through the United Nations, she continued.
Her Excellency further clarified that the current global challenges require a collective international response that aligns with the purposes of the Charter and the founding objectives of the United Nations.
In this regard, Sheikha Alya stressed the importance of the thorough implementation of the Charter principles, indicating that it is essential to avoid selectivity when it comes to interpreting the Charter’s provisions.
In addition, Her Excellency highlighted the principle of equality in sovereignty among nations, emphasizing that the use of force or the threat of using it must be prohibited, especially amid the current conditions that mark flagrant violations of international law and international humanitarian law.
The State of Qatar recognizes that it is critical for the UN to remain the pivotal framework of the existing international order, the Representative underlined, adding that the State of Qatar stresses the need to accelerate the UN system overhaul to have a more inclusive and effective international order that fits the challenges of the twenty-first century, while strengthening the United Nations financially, in human resources, and institutionally to fulfill its mandate.
Her Excellency focused on the importance of investing in the conflict-prevention system and addressing the root causes of these conflicts through backing mediation and preventive diplomatic dialogue mechanisms in alignment with the Charter’s objectives, as well as the relevant UN resolutions.
The Qatari Representative recalled that the State of Qatar touts its prominent role in the areas of mediation and preventive diplomacy as core pillars in its foreign policy.
She pointed out that Qatar has distinguished itself as a strategic partner of the UN and a trusted international mediator, whose efforts encompassed the facilitation of ceasefire agreements, prisoner exchanges, conflict resolution, and peace accords across various continents.
In this context, Her Excellency reiterated that the State of Qatar is grateful for the ongoing Pakistan-led mediation between the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran and backs these efforts.
She confirmed that the State of Qatar fully supports these mediation efforts for de-escalation, which ultimately help boost peace and stability in the region.
President Cyril Ramaphosa says Bafana Bafana will carry the hopes and dreams of the nation with them as they head to the FIFA World Cup, which will be held in Mexico, the United States of America, and Canada from next month.
The President said this on Wednesday night during a send-off dinner for the men’s national football squad and the announcement of the final 26-man team by Bafana Bafana Head Coach, Hugo Broos.
President Ramaphosa assured the team that as they travel to the tournament, they will be wrapped in the support of South Africans nationwide.
“You will carry with you the hopes, the dreams, and the prayers of more than 62 million South Africans. Our people will be with you every step of the way,” said the President.
He said Bafana Bafana were back with belief and purpose.
“They’re back with courage, and they’re back where they belong among the giants of world football.
“For many years, the people of South Africa have longed for this moment. Through triumphs and disappointments, and through difficult qualifying campaigns and rebuilding seasons, South Africans never stopped believing in this team.
“We supported you as a team in our homes, in our communities, in our stadiums, and in our hearts. And today, that faith has been rekindled and rewarded,” President Ramaphosa said.
The senior men’s national football team last qualified for the FIFA World Cup in 2002 with the last participation coming via host nation status in 2010.
President Ramaphosa emphasised that qualification alone should not be the end, encouraging the squad to aim for ultimate glory.
“By qualifying for the 2026 FIFA World Cup for the first time in more than two decades, you have already written your names into the proud sporting history of our country.
“But fellow South Africans are not satisfied with just qualifying alone. No. We do not want group stages. We do not want early exits. We do not want to hear the words, eliminated or bowing out. We want to see you compete with courage, determination and believe until the very end.
“We want to see you bring that trophy back home,” he urged.
The President acknowledged the rigorous journey the team had travelled to reach this point, having faced strong opposition from the Nigerian, Zimbabwean, Lesotho, Rwandan and Benin national teams for a qualifying berth.
“The road to the World Cup has required resilience, sacrifice, discipline and long-term commitment by everyone.
“It has demanded investment in football development and grassroots structures, in coaching, in clubs, our wonderful clubs that not only win here at home, like Orlando Pirates…and we congratulate them. We also congratulate [Mamelodi] Sundowns who have conquered football on the nation, and they stand, and they sit at the top of the continent,” he said.
He told the team they were not just footballers, but “ambassadors of our democracy, of our resilience and of our national spirit”.
“The diversity of this squad and the technical team reflects the true character of South Africa. A constitutional democracy founded on dignity, equality, non-racialism and opportunity for all. You represent the very best of who we are as a people,” he said.
Furthermore, their participation is a “rare opportunity” not only for themselves, but for the entire nation.
“History has now presented this generation of Bafana Bafana with a very rare, precious opportunity to rise again and to reclaim South Africa’s place among the elite nations of world football.
“We ask you to do one thing: Seize the moment. This is your moment, but we want you to know that this is also South Africa’s moment. Play with freedom, play with pride of a very proud nation. Play for one another but play for South Africa and its people,” President Ramaphosa concluded.
The Bafana Bafana squad that will take on the world’s best at the 2026 FIFA World Cup are:
Goalkeepers: Ronwen Williams (Captain), Ricardo Goss and Sipho Chaine.
Africans broadly express support for their right to join any organisation and for the media’s freedom from censorship and its responsibility to report on government mistakes, the latest Afrobarometer (www.Afrobarometer.org) Pan-Africa Profile (https://apo-opa.co/4vjzCDv) shows.
Yet their experience of these freedoms is highly uneven and, in many contexts, eroding, increasingly constrained by the very governments that are formally committed to protecting them. The new report, based on 50,961 interviews across 38 African countries in 2024/2025, shows that while many citizens say they can associate freely and vote without pressure, only 13 of the countries have majorities who feel “completely” free to say what they think.
Perceived freedom of speech has declined over the past decade, and only a slim majority of Africans consider their media free.
Key findings
On average across 38 countries, more than six in 10 Africans (64%) affirm the right to join any organisation of their choice (Figure 1).
Clear majorities support media freedom: 65% endorse the media’s right to publish without government control, and 72% say the media should investigate and report on government mistakes and corruption.
About two-thirds (65%) of citizens say they feel “somewhat” or “completely” free to say what they think (Figure 2).
In 25 of the 38 surveyed countries, fewer than half of citizens feel “completely” free to say what they think. The sense of complete freedom of speech is especially scarce in Eswatini (18%), Togo (15%), Comoros (8%), and Congo-Brazzaville (7%).
Across 28 countries surveyed consistently since 2014, assessments of this freedom have declined by 7 percentage points (Figure 3).
Strong majorities say they feel “somewhat” or “completely” free to join any political organisation they want (77%) and to vote for their preferred candidate without feeling pressured (86%) (Figure 4).
The picture is starkly different in Comoros and Congo-Brazzaville, where citizens report some of the lowest levels of freedom to associate and to vote.
A slim majority (53%) see the media in their country as “somewhat” or “completely” free to report without government interference (Figure 5).
Perceived media freedom declined significantly in 20 of the 30 countries surveyed consistently between 2019 and 2025.
Afrobarometer surveys
Afrobarometer is a pan-African, nonpartisan survey research network that provides reliable data on African experiences and evaluations of democracy, governance, and quality of life. Ten survey rounds in up to 45 countries have been completed since 1999. Round 10 surveys (2024/2025) cover 38 countries.
Afrobarometer’s National Partners conduct face-to-face interviews with nationally representative samples of adults in the language of the respondent’s choice that yield country-level results with margins of error of +/-2 to +/-3 percentage points at a 95% confidence level.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Afrobarometer.
For more information, please contact:
Daniel Iberi
Communications coordinator for East Africa
Email: diberi@afrobarometer.org
Telephone: +254 725 674 457
Visit us online at www.Afrobarometer.org.
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Energy solutions provider Zarein Energy will participate as a Gold Sponsor at the 2026 edition of African Energy Week (AEW) 2026, scheduled for October 12–16 in Cape Town. The company’s participation comes as it accelerates development of the Kwale Free Trade Zone gas and petrochemical project in Delta State, Nigeria, targeting large-scale gas processing, captive power generation and petrochemical manufacturing.
Held under the theme “Invest in African Energies: Affordable and Abundant Energy Additions,” AEW 2026 serves as the premier platform connecting investors, operators, infrastructure developers and policymakers across the African energy sector. Zarein Energy’s sponsorship underscores growing investor attention on Nigeria’s gas monetization, industrialization and special economic zone strategies.
Incorporated in July 2024, Zarein Energy operates as a private midstream-focused company targeting gas-to-industry commercialization. The company’s strategy avoids upstream exploration risk, instead focusing on processing infrastructure, logistics integration and captive utility systems designed to bridge stranded gas reserves with industrial consumers across West Africa.
Its flagship Kwale Free Trade Zone project is being developed as a 1,000-hectare integrated industrial and midstream hub in Delta State. The project, formally launched during a groundbreaking ceremony led by Delta State Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, is designed to provide reliable lower-cost utilities for energy-intensive manufacturing sectors operating within Nigeria’s expanding industrial corridor.
The development is strategically anchored to the OB3 (Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben) gas pipeline network and incorporates a four-layer gas supply structure. Primary feedstock sources include the Kwale Gas Gathering Hub alongside supply connections linked to Zenergie’s Processing Plant, Ebendo-Energia, Pillar and Agip’s Kwale-Okwai flow stations. Infrastructure plans support regional throughput volumes ranging from 40 million standard cubic feet per day (MMscf/d) to 300 MMscf/d.
Zarein Energy’s industrial framework includes scalable gas processing plants, petrochemical production lines and centralized captive power generation facilities positioned directly alongside industrial tenants. By collocating utility infrastructure with manufacturing operations, the company aims to reduce transmission losses, stabilize power availability and lower operational costs for manufacturers establishing operations within the free trade ecosystem.
The broader Kwale Free Trade Zone master plan also segments operations into dedicated petrochemical, agro-processing, manufacturing and logistics zones. High-clearance transport corridors and logistics yards are being designed to improve regional trade flows to Nigerian coastal ports and neighboring West African markets. Eight major corporate entities including Zarein Energy, have already secured operational layouts within the industrial development.
“Zarein Energy’s participation as a Gold Sponsor at African Energy Week 2026 reflects the growing momentum behind Nigeria’s gas commercialization and industrialization agenda. The development of the Kwale Free Trade Zone demonstrates how African companies are creating integrated infrastructure that converts natural gas resource into power, petrochemicals and long-term industrial growth,” says NJ Ayuk, Executive Chairman, African Energy Chamber.
As the Kwale Free Trade Zone advances through FEED compliance, permitting and pipeline route validation stages, Zarein Energy continues expanding technical recruitment partnerships and strategic financing discussions. Their participation at AEW 2026 is expected to support the company’s broader capital formation, partnership outreach and regional visibility objectives as Nigeria intensifies efforts to commercialize domestic gas reserves and expand industrial energy infrastructure.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of African Energy Chamber.
Construction begins on Eskom’s R1.2 billion 75MW solar power plant
Eskom has broken ground on a new R1.2 billion 75MW solar power plant to be based at the Lethabo Power Station in the Free State, marking a major step in integrating renewable generation within the power utility’s coal-fired power station-heavy fleet.
“Once completed, the plant is expected to generate approximately 147GWh of electricity annually, supplying power to an estimated 60,000 households. In addition to its energy contribution, the project will create vital local economic opportunities and contribute significantly to skills development during both the construction and operational phases,” Eskom said on Wednesday.
Speaking at a ceremony marking the start of construction, Eskom’s Group Chief Executive, Dan Marokane, noted that the much-improved performance of the coal-fired fleet is setting a platform to phase in renewable energy.
“Last week we celebrated 365 days without loadshedding, as a result of the focused delivery over the past three years of the generation recovery plan by our skilled employees.
“Now that we have delivered a stable electricity platform for the South African economy to grow from, we can seamlessly enable the integration of renewable energy sources as required by the 2025 Integrated Resource Plan [IRP] to maintain future energy security.
“We are playing our part in bringing online the new generation capacity required by focusing on the deep technical and institutional capability of our employees, built over decades of public investment, that remains a critical part of our national capacity towards delivering cleaner sources of energy,” Marokane said.
Eskom’s Group Executive for Renewables, Rivoningo Mnisi, described the solar power plant as “a significant milestone” in the power utility’s renewable energy pipeline and forms part of the “broader strategy to diversify the generation mix, support South Africa’s Just Energy Transition objectives and provide customers with lower carbon electricity”.
“By leveraging existing power station infrastructure, this project demonstrates the practical integration of renewable energy technology within our existing coal-fired power station fleet infrastructure and signals Eskom’s continued commitment to strengthening security of supply while transitioning toward a lower-carbon future,” Mnisi said.
Investing in renewable energy
According to Eskom, the solar power plant is one of 17 high‑priority projects expected to be implemented across the electricity supplier’s existing coal‑fired power station footprint.
Construction on these is expected to kick off between now and 2028, with those projects representing 6GW of new capacity by the end of the decade.
“These developments will be strategically located at power stations including Arnot, Duvha, Majuba, Tutuka, Lethabo, Komati, Kendal, Kusile, Hendrina, Camden and Grootvlei, leveraging existing infrastructure to accelerate deployment, reduce costs and strengthen grid resilience.
“The Lethabo project also forms part of Eskom’s construction‑ready pipeline of at least 2GW of renewable energy and pumped storage projects progressing during 2026.
“Funding for these projects has been provisioned within Eskom’s approved capital expenditure program and will be financed through on‑balance sheet funding, in line with National Treasury debt relief conditions, without reliance on additional project finance borrowing,” Eskom explained.
Eskom Green will also adopt a “proactive growth strategy that extends beyond Eskom-owned land and existing decommissioning sites”.
“While these anchor projects provide a critical foundation, Eskom Green’s long-term value creation requires expanding into new geographic and technological opportunities.
“To this end, Eskom Green will actively pursue partnerships, co-development opportunities and strategic acquisitions of advanced-stage development projects and operating renewable assets located in high-resource areas with superior wind and solar irradiation,” the power utility said.
This will enable Eskom to “optimise its generation portfolio, diversify its revenue base, and ensure alignment with customer load profiles” by balancing technological advancements like pumped-storage, wind, PV, BESS and other alternatives such as green hydrogen.
“Eskom Green will provide a fit-for-purpose structure to facilitate utility-scale renewables through public-private partnerships, leveraging Eskom’s existing footprint and system knowledge.
“The proposed funding framework ensures limited recourse to the Eskom balance sheet using project finance principles for the renewable energy projects through dedicated project Special Purpose Vehicles.
“This will lead to the advancement of Eskom’s pipeline of more than 32GW of cost-competitive renewable energy and storage projects by 2040 to diversify its energy mix as part of the emissions reduction strategy and enable customers to decarbonise over the life of their operations,” Eskom concluded. – SAnews.gov.za
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Bizuneh Yimenu, Lecturer in Comparative Politics, Queen’s University Belfast
Ethiopia is preparing for a national election on 1 June amid deep political uncertainty and growing insecurity. Officially, the polls are expected to reinforce the country’s democratic transition and political stability. But the conditions suggest that the elections are unlikely to be genuinely competitive.
Elections are competitive when parties campaign openly, voters participate freely, and political actors engage without fear of violence or intimidation.
There are two main reasons why this will not be the case.
First, opposition actors remain fragmented, weakened or excluded from effective political participation. Second, there are armed conflicts and political tensions in several parts of the country. The most tense regions are Amhara, Oromia and Tigray. This has created an unstable environment for electoral competition.
Together, these conditions may make the upcoming elections among the least politically competitive Ethiopia has held since multiparty elections were introduced in the 1990s.
Ethiopia has held six national elections since adopting the federal constitution in 1995. Most took place under conditions of strong ruling-party dominance. The 2005 election was widely considered the country’s most competitive contest. But violence, mass arrests and a severe crackdown on opposition supporters followed, after disputed results and protests.
Elections in 2010 and 2015 took place in a more restrictive political environment dominated by the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front.
The 2021 election happened under Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party during the Tigray war. It was marred by delays, insecurity and opposition boycotts. No voting took place in several constituencies. Unsurprisingly, the incumbent won in a landslide.
The current electoral environment appears even more challenging.
As a scholar of federalism and Ethiopian politics, I see the present conditions as particularly restrictive to meaningful political competition.
Opposition fragmentation and exclusion
Ethiopia’s opposition parties remain fragmented along ideological, ethnic and regional lines. Many lack strong national organisational structures or the capacity to mobilise voters effectively across the country.
Attempts to build durable opposition coalitions have faltered. This is due to political mistrust, leadership rivalries, and competing visions of the Ethiopian state. Some parties want stronger regional autonomy and ethnic self-determination. Others favour a more centralised national political framework.
These divisions prevent a unified electoral challenge. Even those in the same camp, such as parties advocating for ethnic self rule, are unable to a form united front.
Opposition actors continue to face political and institutional constraints too. Several have previously been arrested or detained. Civic actors have come under pressure.
During the 2021 elections, prominent Oromo opposition leaders were detained. This prompted the Oromo Liberation Front and Oromo Federalist Congress, the two main opposition groups in the region, to boycott the polls.
Ethiopia formally operates a multiparty system. But meaningful political competition depends also on parties’ ability to organise, campaign and compete on relatively equal terms. Genuine opposition actors have struggled to do so effectively.
Political tensions and armed conflict
The second major challenge is the country’s deteriorating security environment. Ethiopia is experiencing armed conflict and political instability in several regions. It is difficult to conduct competitive elections in these conditions.
In the Amhara region, fighting between federal forces and Fano militias has intensified over the past two years. Large areas have experienced insecurity, militarisation and disruptions to normal political activity.
Tigray also remains politically fragile. This is despite the 2022 Pretoria agreement. The pact formally ended the civil war between federal forces and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.
Important aspects of the agreement remain unresolved. These include:
the return of internally displaced people
the return of pre-war Tigray territories
security arrangements
relations between regional and federal authorities.
Such conditions narrow political space and reduce the possibility of open electoral competition.
Elections without competitiveness?
The incumbent is running uncontested in 64 of Ethiopia’s 547 constituencies. Voting will not take place in Tigray. And voting will not happen in notable constituencies in Oromia and Amhara because of security concerns.
But it’s not enough for voting to take place. Political competitiveness depends on whether opposition parties can take full part, whether citizens can engage freely and whether the broader political environment allows genuine contestation for power.
Current conditions raise serious doubts about those requirements. Even compared with previous elections held under authoritarian conditions, today’s environment may prove more restrictive. Insecurity and conflict now intersect with longstanding political constraints.
This does not necessarily mean the elections will lack administrative significance or political consequences. For example, the Oromo Liberation Front is running for the first time since 1992. This is symbolically meaningful.
But elections alone will not resolve Ethiopia’s deeper political crisis. The country continues to face unresolved disputes over political representation, federalism, security and state authority. Without broader political inclusion and a reduction in armed conflict, the elections are unlikely to provide the level of political competition associated with genuinely open democratic contests.
– Ethiopia’s elections will not be politically competitive: two reasons why – https://theconversation.com/ethiopias-elections-will-not-be-politically-competitive-two-reasons-why-283896
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Alemayehu Fentaw Weldemariam, Ph.D. Fellow, Center for Constitutional Democracy, Indiana University
Ethiopian prime minister Abiy Ahmed has revived debate over whether the country should impose term limits on its head of government. Speaking before the National Dialogue Commission in May 2026 – just weeks before national elections – he said executive power should be “limited by law”. He suggested the issue could form part of wider constitutional reform that many Ethiopians have been calling for since 1995.
At first glance, the proposal seems straightforward. But Ethiopia operates under a parliamentary system, not a presidential one. Alemayehu Fentaw Weldemariam, who has studied Ethiopia’s constitutional design and law, explains why the real issue isn’t term limits, but the failure of the parliamentary mechanisms meant to constrain executive power.
Why don’t parliamentary systems usually impose term limits on prime ministers?
In parliamentary systems, prime ministers derive their authority from parliament. They remain in office for as long as a majority in parliament is willing to support them. There are no fixed term limits.
In presidential systems, leaders get their authority directly from voters and serve fixed terms set by the constitution.
Prime ministers may be removed at any time through a vote of no confidence, internal party revolt or electoral defeat. In contrast with presidential systems, the removal of a prime minister doesn’t always trigger a national election.
When a prime minister loses office, a new leader may be selected within the governing party. The underlying parliament still has democratic legitimacy, so there is no need to return to voters – or to cap tenure.
Margaret Thatcher served for 11 years in the UK. Angela Merkel governed Germany for 16 years. Their longevity was evidence that parliamentary accountability and electoral competition were functioning as intended. They remained in office because they continued to command confidence within competitive parliamentary democracies. Thatcher’s premiership ended when Conservative MPs withdrew support through a leadership challenge. Merkel stepped down after choosing not to seek another term.
By contrast, in presidential systems, the executive and legislature derive their mandates independently. Removing a president interrupts a fixed term chosen directly by voters, and a successor cannot be appointed simply through parliament.
In Ethiopia, executive power is vested in the Council of Ministers, headed by the prime minister. The difficulty is that the formal parliamentary logic has often failed to operate in practice.
First, the House of People’s Representatives has rarely functioned as an independent body capable of holding the prime minister politically accountable. This has made a no-confidence vote against the prime minister politically unrealistic.
Second, leadership transitions have taken place through ruling-party decisions rather than genuine parliamentary contestation. The replacement of Hailemariam Desalegn by Abiy Ahmed in 2018, for example, occurred through internal party politics. Parliament then formalised it.
How has Ethiopia’s system produced concentrated executive power?
Parliamentary systems don’t operate the same way in every political context. They function differently in:
a dominant-party state: this is a political system in which several parties may legally exist and elections may be held, but one party monopolises political power over an extended period.
transitional democracies: these are political systems moving from authoritarian rule toward democratic governance. The transition is often fragile, especially if political instability, economic hardship or legacies of conflict continue to shape public life.
politically fragmented countries: here, political authority and party competition are divided among rival groups, making stable governance and national consensus difficult.
When ruling parties dominate parliament, opposition parties are weak and lawmakers rely heavily on party leaders. Parliament may stop acting as a real check on executive power. In such situations, a prime minister can begin to resemble an elected monarch. He or she is technically accountable to parliament, but in practice holds highly concentrated power.
This is what makes Ethiopia’s constitutional experience complex.
Ethiopia’s former president Sahle-Work Zewde (left) hands over to her successor Taye Selassie in 2024.Wikimedia Commons
The constitution adopted in 1994 and entered into force in 1995 follows the formal logic of a parliamentary government. Article 70(4) limits the president – a largely ceremonial head of state – to two six-year terms. Articles 73 and 74 impose no limit on the prime minister.
On paper, this is orthodox parliamentarism.
In practice, Ethiopia has the formal structure of a parliamentary system without the political conditions needed for real parliamentary accountability. These conditions are strong opposition parties, meaningful intra-party competition, independent committees and the real possibility that parliament could withdraw support from the executive.
The result is that political power is concentrated in the executive and the dominant ruling coalition.
What role does Ethiopia’s electoral system play in this?
Electoral systems shape how votes are translated into political power and legislative representation.
First-past-the-post systems mean that modest electoral victories can be transformed into overwhelming legislative dominance.
Article 54 of Ethiopia’s constitution adopts this system. Ethiopia, therefore, combines parliamentary government with an electoral model that magnifies majorities into monopolies.
What does Ethiopia’s political history show?
Ethiopia’s post-1995 political record illustrates this pattern clearly.
Meles Zenawi served three full parliamentary terms as prime minister. He was two years into his fourth term when he died in 2012.
The issue is that a prime minister can be repeatedly reappointed because the electoral and party systems limit meaningful contestation from the outset.
Would term limits solve the problem?
Only partially.
A constitutional term limit could encourage leadership circulation, reduce the personalisation of executive office and create incentives for succession planning.
In fragile democracies, such limits may serve as a safeguard against indefinite incumbency.
But term limits alone would not resolve Ethiopia’s deeper constitutional problem. A dominant party can rotate prime ministers while preserving the same electoral advantages, patronage systems and concentration of power.
The deeper reform question is whether Ethiopia can achieve:
stronger opposition rights
more independent parliamentary committees
greater transparency in legislative voting
more credible intra-party competition.
Formally, Ethiopia isn’t a one-party state. As of 2026, the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia has accredited 24 national political parties and 45 regional parties. A total of 48 parties are confirmed to participate in the seventh general election scheduled for 1 June 2026.
The absence of prime ministerial term limits in Ethiopia is not the problem. A lack of parliamentary competition and independence is.
– Should Ethiopia limit how long its prime minister can serve? Why this won’t fix a deeper democracy problem – https://theconversation.com/should-ethiopia-limit-how-long-its-prime-minister-can-serve-why-this-wont-fix-a-deeper-democracy-problem-283405
