Brutal Mau Mau camps in Kenya were an extension of Britain’s colonial prison system – historian traces their roots

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ian Caistor-Parker, PhD student, University of Warwick

During the Mau Mau uprising between 1952 and 1960, the British colonial government confined an estimated 150,000 Kenyans in a sprawling network of “emergency” detention camps.

None of those held in the camps had been found guilty in a court of law. Instead, they were detained on suspicion of supporting the uprising.

British control over Kenya was effectively declared in 1895. A distinctive feature of colonial rule was the decision to encourage white settlement. These settlers were granted vast tracts of Kenya’s most fertile land and pushed policy in an increasingly harsh and unequal direction.

By the early 1950s, many African Kenyans were facing severe land shortages in the countryside and desperate living conditions in urban areas.

In 1952, this situation erupted into the Mau Mau uprising, a broadly anti-colonial rebellion.

The British government responded with overwhelming force. It declared a state of emergency and suppressed the uprising militarily.

Revelations about the extreme violence employed in some emergency detention camps made the continuation of British rule untenable. Particularly key was the Hola massacre of 1959. Guards beat 11 detainees to death and the colonial government attempted to cover up the crime.

Outrage at these events shattered Britain’s grip on the colony, and Kenya achieved independence in 1963 under the leadership of Jomo Kenyatta.

A great deal is known about these detention camps. They were sites of neglect and brutal violence. Detainees were forced to go through a so-called rehabilitation system designed to make them renounce their support for Mau Mau.

In practice, they were subjected to brutal compulsory labour, were at risk of assault and lived in unhygienic conditions. Some of those who refused to cooperate ultimately faced systematic, state-sanctioned torture.

I am a historian researching punishment in Kenya, and I have been investigating the deeper history of detention camps. My research shows that this emergency detention system was shaped by an earlier network of “ordinary” detention camps. These were established in 1926 and processed more than 400,000 people before the uprising.

These camps, intended as a milder alternative to prison, evolved into a poorly regulated system characterised by exploitation, overcrowding and weak accountability.

These findings challenge the idea that the detention system of the 1950s was exceptional. Instead, it was rooted in long-standing colonial practices, shaped by economic incentives, administrative gaps and coercive labour systems.

Understanding this deeper history matters because it changes how we view the Mau Mau emergency. It proves that the brutal 1950s detention system didn’t just emerge from nowhere – it was built on a foundation of state violence and disorder that had been normalised for decades.

The roots

Influenced by a draconian-minded European settler minority, the Kenyan colonial government adopted a harsh approach to punishing the local population. Judges frequently imprisoned Africans for “technical” offences lacking criminal intent. These included failing to pay tax and minor violations of coercive labour laws.

By the 1920s, Kenya’s prisons were overcrowded and “technical” offenders inevitably mixed with hardened criminals.

In response, the colonial government introduced detention in 1926 as a supposedly milder alternative for technical offenders who had simply broken administrative rules. In theory, prisons were to be reserved for those who had committed crimes involving moral violation. In practice, however, these distinctions didn’t (or couldn’t) hold.

To visibly separate detention from imprisonment, the colonial government gave day-to-day control of detention camps to district commissioners (the powerful heads of local governments), not the prison department.

However, this separation was incomplete. Detainees were legally classified as prisoners (though they were not informed of this). The prison department retained ultimate authority over the camps.

This overlapping authority produced a gap in accountability, which ultimately proved disastrous.

In 1930, seeking to divert more people from formal prisons, government officials removed almost all sentencing restrictions on detention. Subsequently, the only limitations were that sentences had to be under six months and that those with more than one prior prison conviction were ineligible.

Numbers surged immediately, with more convicted offenders sent to detention than formal prisons almost every year until 1952.

Judges increasingly used detention for serious offences, including manslaughter. A limited criminal records system meant that individuals with prior convictions – sometimes as many as 16 – ended up in detention.

Conversely, the amendment did not stop harsh magistrates from continuing to send significant numbers of minor offenders to prisons.

Author provided.

This blurring of populations, combined with a lack of structural and legal separation, meant detention camps mutated into a parallel prison system, serving a different colonial master, district commissioners, but lacking fundamental distinction.

Detention camp living conditions were atrocious. Most district commissioners delegated almost all duties to Kenyan African “overseers”. Overseers were under-trained. Yet they were expected to be on duty constantly and often had to guard more than 60 detainees, making meaningful supervision impossible.

Camps were generally collections of temporary wattle-and-daub huts. Over time, these decayed but were not replaced, resulting in squalid conditions.

Furthermore, overcrowding was endemic. Food rations were poor and basic facilities were often absent. Sickness rates were significant. Detainees responded by escaping at a rate of more than one a day.

Failed reform

In 1937, a high-level committee condemned the system as dangerous and inefficient. Calls for reform from London also grew.

But nothing changed.

Why?

The primary reason was economic. Detainees were a vital reservoir of free labour for cash-strapped district commissioners. When camps were introduced, local governments’ labour budgets were cut. This made detainee labour crucial for maintaining government stations.

In the late 1930s, penal officials sought to reintroduce stricter eligibility criteria for detention. However, they abandoned this idea as it would add to overcrowding in the prison system.

Trapped by bureaucratic gridlock, underfunding and economic dependency, Kenya’s detention system limped into the 1952 emergency – unreformed.

Ultimately, “ordinary” detention camps persisted until the 1980s, far outliving their emergency counterparts.

The consequences

This history exposes stark continuities between the pre-emergency and Mau Mau penal systems. Furthermore, as they were under the control of district officials and lacked standard prison regulations, existing detention camps could, and did, easily become dumping grounds for Mau Mau suspects in the early months of the emergency. Ordinary detention was both a model and enabling mechanism for emergency detention.

– Brutal Mau Mau camps in Kenya were an extension of Britain’s colonial prison system – historian traces their roots
– https://theconversation.com/brutal-mau-mau-camps-in-kenya-were-an-extension-of-britains-colonial-prison-system-historian-traces-their-roots-277856

Bobi Wine’s decision to flee Uganda points to a shrinking landscape for opposition politics

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Kristof Titeca, Professor in International Development, University of Antwerp

Bobi Wine’s escape from Uganda is not just a striking episode in itself, it also offers insight into the current state of the opposition – particularly his National Unity Platform party – and into the divergences within the Yoweri Museveni regime.

The Ugandan opposition leader had been in hiding for almost two months after the January 2026 presidential election, which Museveni won by 72%. Wine came second with 25% of the vote. Museveni, 81, has been in power since 1986.

Wine, born Robert Kyagulanyi, entered formal politics in 2017 when he won a parliamentary by-election.

He soon emerged as one of the leaders of the People Power movement, a loose, generationally charged mobilisation built around the slogan “People Power, Our Power”. It took shape in the aftermath of protests against the removal of presidential age limits in 2018. At the time, the opposition appeared largely exhausted and unlikely to unseat the regime. Bobi Wine and People Power therefore brought a new energy to Uganda’s opposition.

People Power later formalised into the National Unity Platform party, which Wine used to vie for the presidency in 2021. He secured about 35% of the presidential vote against Museveni’s 59%. National Unity Platform became the largest opposition force in parliament with 57 seats.

These results also highlighted the constraints of electoral politics in the face of extensive repression.

This is a pattern that would again become apparent in the 2026 elections.

As several human rights organisations noted, the 2026 elections took place in an environment marked by widespread repression and intimidation.

After the vote, Wine went into hiding. He posted photos and videos seemingly from Kampala, triggering roadblocks and searches across the capital city. On 18 March 2026, he resurfaced in the United States.

I have researched Ugandan politics for over 20 years, and recently published an article analysing the structural challenges Wine’s political party faces in Uganda’s authoritarian context.

Drawing on this work, my reading is that Wine’s escape reveals controlled tensions within Museveni’s regime, where different factions appear to disagree on how to handle the opposition – without signalling a full split. At the same time, it exposes a deeper dilemma for Wine and his party: how to balance international advocacy with maintaining grassroots legitimacy at home.

This moment matters because it highlights the structural constraints facing opposition politics in Uganda, and raises questions about whether meaningful political change can occur within the current system.

Frictions within the regime

The contrasting approaches within the Museveni regime are illustrated by events that followed the 2026 election. In the weeks following the vote, defence force chief Muhoozi Kainerugaba (Museveni’s son) issued a series of unusually explicit statements about Wine.

In a now-deleted tweet, he claimed that 22 members of the National Unity Platform – whom he labelled “terrorists” – had been killed. He added that he was praying that the next death would be Wine’s.

On 26 January, the defence chief escalated this rhetoric, stating that he wanted Wine “dead or alive”. These statements built on earlier threats, including about beheading Wine.

Taken together, they amount to sustained violent threats directed at the main opposition leader.


Read more: Uganda’s autocratic political system is failing its people – and threatens the region


Set against this, however, is the fact that Wine was able to evade capture for nearly two months and ultimately leave the country.

It emerged that he did so with assistance from high-level state and security officials.

The same sources and regime insiders reported that intelligence services had informed Museveni about Wine’s whereabouts. The president chose not to act upon this information.

Taken together, these events suggest differences within the regime between factions in the security services, or more broadly between Muhoozi and other centres of power. Potentially even within the first family itself.

But these differences should not be overstated.

The episode does not indicate an open or consolidated split. Criticism of Muhoozi within the regime remains tightly constrained.

What this suggests is a regime where disagreements are contained within narrow limits. Wine’s escape, therefore, points less to a rupture than to an ongoing negotiation over power and strategy within the ruling elite.

And this is becoming increasingly important in light of the anticipated transition beyond Museveni.

Tensions within Wine’s party

Wine’s political strength has always come from where he came from.

He was rooted in the ghetto, and more broadly among urban youth who had long been mobilised by opposition politics but rarely felt represented by it.

Earlier figures like Kizza Besigye could appeal to this group, but Wine embodied it. He spoke the same language and made politics feel accessible to people often treated as outsiders.

That sense of authenticity was central to the early momentum of People Power. It also mattered that Wine broke with a long-standing pattern in Ugandan politics: he did not come from the western region, the core of the ruling elite.

But this “outsider” appeal has become harder to sustain over time. As People Power turned into a political party, and as Wine himself became more embedded in formal politics and international networks, parts of that original base began to feel that something had shifted.

What once felt like a movement of “one of us” increasingly risks being seen as something closer to the political establishment it set out to challenge.

As my research shows, this is not unusual. It is a core dilemma when protest movements turn into parties, especially under repression.

The social media backlash to Wine’s appearance in the United States needs to be read through that lens.

It not only echoes criticism from Museveni that Wine is an “agent of foreign interests”, but also from within the opposition where some radical voices argue that he should have stayed and faced the regime, even if that meant prison. Besigye, for instance, is facing treason charges after he was abducted and extradited from Kenya in 2024.

This criticism echoes a longstanding divide within opposition politics in Uganda: should opposition leaders embody defiance on the ground, or navigate politics through institutional spaces?


Read more: The making and breaking of Uganda: an interview with scholar Mahmood Mamdani


Being in the US reinforces a growing perception that Wine is becoming more distant from the people who carried the risks on the ground.

If the party cannot connect its international advocacy and diaspora support back to the everyday struggles of its supporters in Uganda, this episode will likely deepen the feeling that the party has become more of the same.

What role remains for Wine?

There is an uncomfortable reality here. Wine serves a function for the regime. His presence helps maintain the appearance of political competition, particularly within the international community.

Wine now faces a choice. Engaging in electoral politics risks reinforcing the system he seeks to challenge. Stepping outside it risks isolation, repression or loss of political relevance.

How he navigates this tension will shape not only his political trajectory, but also that of his party.

– Bobi Wine’s decision to flee Uganda points to a shrinking landscape for opposition politics
– https://theconversation.com/bobi-wines-decision-to-flee-uganda-points-to-a-shrinking-landscape-for-opposition-politics-279475

Why the Future of Customs is Agentic Artificial Intelligence (AI) (By Alioune Ciss)

Source: APO

By Alioune Ciss, Chief Executive Officer, Webb Fontaine (www.WebbFontaine.com). 

Until recently, the modernisation of customs processes was a race to digitise paperwork and automate manual workflows. With that phase largely complete, we are entering a far more consequential era: the shift from automated systems to agentic ones. We are moving toward systems that not only follow rules, but also largely configure themselves, adapt to regulatory shifts in real-time, and interact with human experts through natural language.

From software engineering to policy engineering

The fundamental bottleneck in traditional customs systems is the “translation gap.” When a tariff schedule is amended or a new risk indicator is introduced, software engineers must manually translate legal text into system code. This process is slow, expensive, and creates a dangerous lag between policy intent and operational reality.

Large Language Models (LLMs) are closing this gap. Instead of a six-month development cycle, an analyst can now describe a change in natural language. The system interprets the instruction, drafts the logic, and once verified by a human expert, applies it to the operational environment almost instantaneously. This reduces reliance on rigid software cycles and places the power directly back into the hands of the policy specialists who understand trade best.

Responding to regulatory volatility

The customs environment can change overnight. A system that requires months of redevelopment to accommodate international standard updates or new trade agreements is, by definition, outdated.

While chat-based interfaces are the most visible evolution, the real revolution lies in the no-code architecture beneath them. By decoupling trade logic from hard-coded software, customs administrations gain a “Lego-like” flexibility. Operational teams can design and deploy applications directly, ensuring that the system evolves as quickly as the global trade landscape does.

Reclaiming sovereignty

For too long, digital trade platforms have functioned in environments where vendors hold the “keys” to the code. In the agentic AI era, this dynamic is being inverted. Properly designed AI frameworks return ownership to the state.

A customs management system is a strategic national asset, providing vital insights into economic flows and risk exposure. By using AI-native systems, governments retain absolute control over the logic used to interpret it. This ensures long-term resilience and fosters a level of trust that “black-box” legacy systems simply cannot provide.

Intelligent risk management: precision over friction

Beyond configuration, AI-driven platforms are transforming enforcement through intelligent risk management. LLMs can process structured data (declarations) and unstructured data (invoices and manifests) simultaneously to spot inconsistencies that traditional algorithms miss.

These systems provide dynamic risk models that learn from historical compliance patterns. The result is a “green lane” that is truly fast for compliant traders, and a “red lane” that is significantly more accurate. We are no longer guessing where the risk lies; we are using collective intelligence to find it.

Embedding AI: The Webb Fontaine Zerø philosophy

How do we reach this level of autonomy? The reality is that legacy systems built on fixed codebases cannot simply be “upgraded” with a chatbot. To truly leverage agentic AI, the architecture must be AI-native, not AI-adjacent.

This is the design philosophy behind Webb Fontaine Zerø. It is a complete reset, a next-generation technology concept built from the ground up for the AI era. Zerø embeds LLMs into every layer of customs operations.

Users can design, configure, and deploy applications by interacting with AI agents trained on decades of trade expertise. In this new model, there are no developers standing between a policy decision and its execution. Outputs remain fully compliant with international standards, but the speed of implementation is measured in minutes, not months.

As we move toward these data-driven tools, the divide between leaders and laggards will widen. Administrations that embrace agentic AI will see faster clearance, higher revenue protection, and, most importantly, operational autonomy.

The most effective customs platforms of the future will not simply process declarations. They will be living organisms: continuously learning, adapting, and configuring themselves to meet the economic realities of a rapidly changing world.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Webb Fontaine.

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SARS exceeds R2 trillion in 2025/26 net revenue collection

Source: Government of South Africa

SARS exceeds R2 trillion in 2025/26 net revenue collection

The South African Revenue Service (SARS) has collected some R2.010 trillion in net revenue for the 2025/26 financial year, breaking the threshold for the first time since its inception.

The historical milestone was announced by SARS Commissioner Edward Kieswetter during a presentation of the preliminary revenue outcome for the financial year on Wednesday.

Collections at SARS have grown at a compound annual growth rate of 5.8% since the start of Kieswetter’s tenure seven years ago.

“This is a historic milestone of crossing [the] R2 trillion threshold for the first time in our history. Indeed, a defining moment. This is R155 billion more than what we collected a year ago, a remarkable year-on-year growth of 8.4% under these economic conditions where nominal growth, for now, is projected to have grown at 4%.

“This implies a tax-to-GDP [Gross Domestic Product] ratio of 25.9% and tax buoyancy ratio of 1.73%,” Kieswetter said.

The largest contributors to the collection were individual taxes at R794 billion followed by Value Added Tax (VAT) at R500 billion, company taxes stood at R350 billion while customs reached R352 billion and excise stood at R182 billion.

Kieswetter noted that refunds stood at R458 billion at year’s end.

“Refund payments…especially during tough economic times for small businesses and families in financial stress, are an important lifesaver and a necessary injection of cash into the economy.

“The fact that the R458 billion refunds that we processed represents 5.9% of GDP. So, I am therefore pleased that our growth in refunds has consistently grown higher than gross or net revenue. This even after we’ve consistently increased refund risk management to deal with impermissible and fraudulent refund claims,” he said.

The revenue collector took some 22 years to reach the R1 trillion threshold and just ten years to double the collection to R2 trillion despite the effects of slow economic growth, load shedding and COVID-19.

“We believe that this is noteworthy and reflects the diligent work of our employees, the institutional integrity of SARS and the tax administrator centrality to the fiscal health of South Africa.

“SARS is truly a national asset that must never be taken for granted and must be treasured,” the Commissioner added.

A worthy farewell
Kieswetter will be ending his tenure as Commissioner of the revenue service at the end of this month with an announcement of his replacement to be announced by President Cyril Ramaphosa.

“As I come to the end of the seven years of national service, I recall the President’s challenge to those who cared about the future of South Africa and the generations to come to step forward, to leave behind a comfortable life of retirement, and take their place at the forefront of the struggle where real change happens.

“It was a call to service, a call to restore credibility and the capability of our damaged institutions, succinctly captured in the call ‘Thuma Mina’.

“I want to thank the President, the Minister [of Finance], and all South Africans for affording me the rare privilege to make my humble contribution to the wellbeing of our country and its people. I am filled with immense pride that thankfully, together with the help of the people at SARS, we have given our best to the nation,” he said.

The Commissioner encouraged all taxpayers to remain compliant while praising employees at the revenue service.

“Collecting over R2 trillion is not an accident, but the outcome of the more than 14 500 employees who diligently perform millions of activities meticulously to achieve this record collection.

“Every rand not only helps build a capable state that honours the social contract but also enables the state to deliver for all South Africans and strengthen fiscal integrity of South Africa.

“The record achievement we reached today is because of all compliant taxpayers;
I would like to thank them for their fiscal citizenship and contribution to help the most vulnerable in our society,” Kieswetter concluded. – SAnews.gov.za

 

NeoB

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SAWS warns of scattered showers ahead of Easter travel period

Source: Government of South Africa

SAWS warns of scattered showers ahead of Easter travel period

The South African Weather Service (SAWS) has forecast partly cloudy conditions with isolated to scattered showers and thundershowers across parts of the country on Thursday and Friday, as many South Africans prepare to travel for the Easter period.

In its latest weather outlook, SAWS said conditions will be cool to warm in most areas, but hot in some regions, with a higher likelihood of scattered showers in the western parts of the country.

The forecast comes as increased traffic volumes are expected on major routes, with authorities urging motorists to plan their journeys carefully and remain weather-aware.

Safety focus for Easter travellers

With changing weather conditions, SAWS is encouraging travellers to prioritise safety on the roads, particularly in areas prone to thunderstorms and reduced visibility.

The weather service encourages travellers to download its WeatherSmart app which will help in detecting weather conditions ahead of time.

“Headed somewhere this Easter? Our weatherSmart App helps you know when to stop, stay safe from lightning and arrive relaxed. Your safety travel this Easter is only as good as your data,” the weather service said in a post on X, highlighting the importance of using reliable weather data to make informed travel decisions. 

The WeatherSmart App is among the tools being promoted to help motorists track conditions in real time. According to SAWS, the app enables users to monitor weather patterns, identify when it may be safer to delay travel, and stay alert to lightning risks.

Lightning awareness and verification

As thunderstorms are expected in some areas, SAWS has also emphasised the importance of lightning awareness, particularly for those travelling long distances or leaving property unattended.

The service offers a Lightning Verification Report at a fee, which can confirm whether a lightning strike occurred at a specific location a tool aimed at helping citizens protect valuable assets and support insurance claims if needed.

SAWS has urged the public to stay updated through official weather platforms and to adjust travel plans where necessary. 

With variable conditions expected over the Easter period, travellers are advised to remain cautious, take regular breaks, and ensure their journeys are guided by up-to-date weather information to arrive safely at their destinations. – SAnews.gov.za

DikelediM

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Agreement to boost youth with AI, digital skills

Source: Government of South Africa

Agreement to boost youth with AI, digital skills

A new partnership between government and the private sector is set to equip thousands of South African students with critical digital and artificial intelligence (AI) skills aimed at improving their chances of securing future employment.

The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), signed between the Department of Higher Education and Training and Google South Africa, will expand access to training programmes across universities, Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) colleges, and Community Education and Training (CET) institutions.

Deputy Minister of Higher Education and Training, Dr Mimmy Gondwe, said the initiative is designed to prepare students for a rapidly evolving job market shaped by digital transformation.

“Digital and AI skills are vital for navigating the modern world and securing future employment opportunities. It is essential that our students, especially those in remote and township areas, are prepared for the job market once they leave our sector and possess the right skills for employability, including self-employment and entrepreneurship,” Gondwe said.

The agreement, signed in Johannesburg on Monday, 30 March, alongside Google South Africa Country Director Kabelo Makwane, marks the fourth public-private partnership spearheaded by Gondwe’s office to strengthen youth skills development.

Expanding access to digital training

The Google MoU seeks to enhance digital skills, incorporate AI in higher education, and promote workforce development in South Africa. It will offer access to training programmes for public universities, Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET), and Community Education and Training (CET) colleges, including an initial 10 000 Google Career Certificate scholarships.

In addition to student training, the partnership will prioritise upskilling educators through initiatives such as Generative AI for Educators and a “train-the-trainer” model to promote wider skills sharing across institutions.

The agreement also includes support for curriculum development, with Google providing access to AI tools and collaborating with institutions to develop locally relevant content. Device support will be enhanced through the deployment of ChromeOS Flex to revitalise existing hardware, offering strategic hardware advice, and empowering IT teams through advanced training.

The MoU will also include collaboration on policy and governance, sharing expertise on AI policy development and the use of AI in public institutions.

Makwane said the partnership reflects Google’s commitment to building local capacity and unlocking economic potential through technology.

Makwane further emphasised that the commitment to higher education and South Africa overall, is deeply rooted in capacity building.

“AI has moved from theory to everyday reality. Our research shows digital technology is a massive catalyst for South Africa, with Google tools alone contributing R118 billion to the economy in 2023. AI is set to add another R172 billion, creating new skills and unlocking growth opportunities for all citizens.

“To capture this value, we must close the skills gap and empower our youth to innovate for Africa’s unique context. Inclusivity is key; when South Africans build with tools that understand their environment and languages, technology becomes a true driver of growth,” Makwane said.

The agreement will be implemented over a period of two years. – SAnews.gov.za
 

 

GabiK

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Afrobarometer-African Leadership (AL) for Governance Network partnership trains 45 emerging African public leaders in data literacy

Source: APO

Afrobarometer (http://Afrobarometer.org), in partnership with the African Leadership (AL) for Governance Network, concluded the 2026 Governance Sector Challenge in March, an eight-week immersive policy research and innovation programme designed to equip young African leaders with the skills to develop data-driven solutions to Africa’s most pressing governance challenges. 

Under the theme “Building public trust in institutions for better governance,” the 2026 sector challenge brought together 45 emerging public leaders to explore the drivers of institutional trust across the continent and co-create evidence-based policy recommendations that strengthen leadership accountability, institutional legitimacy, and the social contract between citizens and the state. 

The training programme provided a rare opportunity for participants from 14 countries (Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Namibia, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, South Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe), many of whom had never used Afrobarometer data previously, to work in interdisciplinary teams to build foundational skills in accessing, interpreting, and analysing public-attitude data.

Participants engaged with expert mentors from the Afrobarometer network, learning how to design practical, context-sensitive policy proposals aimed at rebuilding trust in public institutions. The programme combined hands-on research, targeted coaching, workshops, and competitive pitching sessions. Outstanding policy briefs will be published in the AL for Governance Journal, amplifying youth-driven perspectives on governance reform.

“This partnership with AL for Governance reflects our shared commitment to building a new generation of African leaders who use data to drive change,” said Dominique Dryding, Afrobarometer’s capacity building manager (basic track).

“We celebrate the incredible work of participants who have transformed ideas into impactful policy briefs, and we look forward to seeing how they take Afrobarometer’s work forward.”

Lesego Otlhabanye, AL for Governance programme manager, highlighted the value of the training for promoting evidence-based policy advocacy grounded in citizen experiences: “This challenge represents a critical opportunity for young African leaders to translate data into meaningful policy action.”

“By equipping participants with Afrobarometer’s robust governance data and connecting them with experienced mentors, we’ve enabled the next generation to tackle one of Africa’s most pressing challenges by rebuilding trust between citizens and their institutions. The evidence-based solutions that have emerged from this programme have the potential to reshape how governments engage with and serve their communities.” 

The training programme forms part of Afrobarometer’s commitment to placing young leaders at the centre of policy innovation by strengthening data literacy, promoting empirical decision making, and expanding the pool of practitioners who can responsibly use public-attitude data to help improve democratic governance on the continent.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Afrobarometer.

For more information, please contact:
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Telephone: +27 83 979 8299 
Email: ampako@afrobarometer.org 

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About Afrobarometer:
Afrobarometer (AB) is a trusted source of high-quality data and analysis on what Africans are thinking. With an unmatched track record of 450,000+ interviews in 45 countries, representing the views of more than 75% of the African population, AB is leading the charge to bridge the continent’s data gap. AB data inform many global indices, such as the Ibrahim Index of African Governance, Transparency International’s Global Corruption Barometer, and the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators. The data are also used for country risk analyses and by credit rating and forecasting agencies such as the Economist Intelligence Unit. All AB data sets are publicly available on the website (http://apo-opa.co/4bJbzXF) and may be analysed free of charge using AB’s online data analysis tool (https://apo-opa.co/3NDS3m9)

Visit us online at: www.Afrobarometer.org 

About AL for Governance:
Founded in 2019, AL for Governance is a pan-African network of over 400 impact-driven leaders committed to ethical leadership, effective public institutions, and inclusive governance. Through mentorship, peer learning, and strategic partnerships, the network supports young Africans to pursue meaningful careers in public service and governance reform.  

Visit us online at: AL for Governance (http://apo-opa.co/4uSmju6)

About Efrusy Family Foundation: 
The Efrusy Family Foundation is the proud sponsor of the AL for Governance Journal (https://apo-opa.co/47wM8WC)enabling the continued publication of this annual platform for youth-led thought leadership across the continent. Through this partnership, the foundation is investing in the amplification of emerging African voices, advancing evidence-based insights, and fostering dialogue on critical governance challenges. Its support underscores a shared commitment to strengthening inclusive, responsive, and forward-looking governance systems in Africa. 

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Electoral Commission unveils new logo ahead of municipal elections

Source: Government of South Africa

Electoral Commission unveils new logo ahead of municipal elections

The Electoral Commission has today officially unveiled the identity (logo) and tagline for the 2026/27 Local Government Elections, marking a significant step in its preparations for the upcoming elections.

As every election carries its own story and identity, the 2026/27 elections logo and tagline represent a forward-looking, voter-centric democracy that reflects the aspirations of South Africans and drives greater youth participation, while reaffirming the Commission’s commitment to credible and accessible elections.

The launch of a new logo signals that the Commission’s readiness to deliver the elections is at an advanced stage.

The call-to-action tagline, “Get Up. Show Up. Vote”, is anchored in the belief that South Africans fundamentally care about their families, communities, their livelihoods and the future of the country. The logo and tagline will be embedded across all election materials and platforms.

Speaking at the unveiling of the logo at Gallagher Convention Centre in Midrand, IEC Chairperson Mosotho Moepya said the three-part call to action meets people where they are, while inviting them to be part of something bigger than themselves.

“This logo represents inclusive civic activism, shared patriotism, and national pride. It does not lecture, it does not demand, and it does not overcomplicate.

“It evokes a strong emotional resonance and inspires a collective sense of South African optimism. Anchored in this optimism, the logo will come to life during the Local Government Elections as a shared national asset belonging to all South Africans,” Moepya said.

The Electoral Commission also announced the launch of its podcast channel – a platform designed to enhance transparency, expand access to information, and strengthen civic education. The podcast will go live on 8 April 2026.

Additionally, “Beats for My Peeps” is a cutting-edge, limited edutainment reality series designed to inspire young South Africans to register, vote, and recognise the power of their voice in shaping our democracy.

It brings together digital creators, including music artists, both established and emerging, and dynamic IEC representatives to create something truly fresh: a youth-driven television experience where democracy meets culture.

Together, they unpack myths, challenge disillusionment, and produce original tracks that motivate young people to show up and shape their communities in the upcoming Local Government Elections. The show is set to air on SABC 1 in May 2026.

The Chairperson urged all stakeholders to support the Commission’s efforts, emphasising that the success of the electoral process depends on strong partnerships.

“We call on all stakeholders to work with us in strengthening our democracy. This can only be achieved through collaboration with key partners, including political parties, government agencies, and civil society organisations,” Moepya said.

He announced that the next key milestone is the launch of the national campaign on 27 May 2026, followed by the first voter registration weekend on 20–21 June, aimed at encouraging more South Africans to register on the voters’ roll.

The Electoral Commission also urged all voters to use the online platform to check and update their registration details, including residential address, to ensure they are correctly registered and able to vote at the appropriate voting station.

“This will help ensure a smooth and efficient voting process on election day.”

Voters can check and update their registration details at Registertovote.elections.org.za – SAnews.gov.za
 

GabiK

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Department of Home Affairs reaches milestone with over 100 bank branches

Source: Government of South Africa

Department of Home Affairs reaches milestone with over 100 bank branches

The Department of Home Affairs has reached yet another major milestone on its digital transformation journey, with 110 branches already live across the length and breadth of South Africa.  

The department has exceeded its own internal target of rolling out its new Digital Partnership Model to 100 bank branches by the end of March.

Additionally, First National Bank (FNB) has officially become the third bank to join the rollout of this ground-breaking project at their branches.

Just three weeks after the first branch was launched, 77 branches of Capitec Bank, 30 branches of Standard Bank, and the first three branches of First National Bank are now live throughout the country, offering Smart ID replacement services in communities that never had access before.

When compared to the existing 248 Home Affairs offices offering Smart ID services, the addition of 110 more service points constitutes a 44% service expansion in just three weeks.

To date, more than 25 000 Smart ID applications have already been processed through participating bank branches, with the system processing applications at a rate of more than one per minute. 

Through this new model, citizens are now able to apply to replace their Green ID Book or a lost Smart ID at participating bank branches in as little as five minutes, avoiding long travel times and queues.

This initiative forms part of the Department’s Home Affairs @ home reform programme, which aims to build a modern, digital-first Home Affairs ecosystem and transform how citizens access government services.

Instead of citizens being forced to travel great distances and stand in long queues to access services at just a few physical locations around the country, Home Affairs @ home is using digital transformation to bring services to citizens right where they live.

This new service does not require any prior booking or paperwork, and is secured through cutting-edge fingerprint and facial recognition technology.

By eliminating paper-based manual processes and official discretion, the application process has also been secured against manipulation and fraud.

Having already exceeded the initial target of 100 bank branches by March 2026, Home Affairs is firmly on track to deliver on its target in the Medium-Term Development Plan to reach 1 000 bank branches by 2029. 

The rollout remains deliberate and phased to ensure system stability and service quality, with further expansion planned in the coming weeks. Absa Bank and Nedbank are currently in varying stages of testing and are expected to go live once testing is complete.

“The rapid pace at which Home Affairs is fixing long-standing problems is a testament to the power of reform-minded leadership that embraces innovation. 

“In addition to what we have already delivered, over the coming weeks, first time Smart ID applications, Passport applications, secure courier delivery of IDs and Passports, as well as applications submitted via digital banking apps will all become reality through these reforms,” Home Affairs Minister, Dr Leon Schreiber, said. 

“By expanding access and inclusion at a scale and pace not seen before, we are eliminating long queues and freeing up Home Affairs resources and officials to focus on complex tasks that have been neglected for decades, including late birth registrations and ensuring the systematic documentation of all South Africans in underserved areas. This is how we are delivering dignity for all,” Minister Schreiber concluded.

Existing Home Affairs branches and mobile offices remain available to all citizens. To find your nearest bank branch offering Smart ID services, visit: www.dha.gov.za/banks. – SAnews.gov.za

Edwin

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Legal Aid SA adjusts means test in line with CPI

Source: Government of South Africa

Legal Aid SA adjusts means test in line with CPI

Legal Aid South Africa has revised upwards its Means Test in line with the Consumer Price Index in response to ongoing economic hardship and the rising cost of living.

This, the statutory body said, is aimed at ensuring that South Africans can afford to have legal representation.

“As many South Africans continue to face financial pressure, these revisions are a vital step toward safeguarding equitable access to justice. By expanding the financial eligibility criteria, Legal Aid SA is reaffirming its commitment to ensuring that no one is denied legal representation simply because they cannot afford it,” Legal Aid SA said.

The new means threshold is as follows:

  • Criminal matters: R9 400 up from R9 100.
  • Civil matters (individual applicant): R9 400 up from R9 100.
  • Civil matters (spouse/household): R10 200, up from R9 900.
  • Movable assets (household, no property): R173 300 up from R167 900.
  • Immovable and movable assets (household, owns property): R812 800 up from R787 600.

“In criminal cases, children continue to automatically qualify for legal aid and do not have to take the Means Test. If it is a civil case, the family of the child will need to take and pass the Means Test.

“The revised Means Test takes effect from today, 1 April 2026, and will continue to be applied to all new applications received from this date onwards.

“Legal Aid SA continues to strengthen its role as a champion of equal access to justice by refining its policies to respond to the evolving needs of society. In a time of economic uncertainty, these changes are designed to extend legal support to a broader segment of the population, particularly those whose financial circumstances limit their ability to secure representation,” the body said. – SAnews.gov.za

NeoB

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