Category: MIL-OSI

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Jan Nyssen, Professor of Geography, Ghent University

The northern highlands of Ethiopia are among Africa’s oldest agricultural landscapes. Some of the world’s most important crops originated here, particularly pulses and grains, including teff. Yet another crop has a less well-known history in Ethiopia’s Tigray region: the grapevine.

We are an interdisciplinary team of geographers, agronomists and archaeologists studying long-term interactions between agriculture, landscapes and society in Ethiopia. Archaeological discoveries from the ancient Aksumite kingdom, in what’s now Ethiopia, include grape seeds, wine vessels, rock-cut wine presses, and historical records showing that grapes were cultivated in antiquity. We wanted to find out whether any of today’s grapevines could be descendants of those early introductions.

Our research set out to investigate whether traces of an ancient grape-growing tradition still survived in the region or not.

Unlike the vineyards of the Mediterranean, Tigray’s grapevines are grown in household compounds, village gardens and church grounds. Families eat the grapes fresh, share them with neighbours, donate bunches to Orthodox churches and value the vines for the shade they provide during the dry season. Many vines have been propagated from cuttings exchanged between families over generations rather than purchased commercially.

Our findings show a complex heritage shaped by long-term smallholder management, cultural practices and geographic isolation in remote villages. Our research suggests that these grapevines trace part of their ancestry to introductions during the Aksumite era (around 150 BCE-800 CE), probably linked to ancient Greek-influenced eastern Mediterranean and Red Sea trade networks. Their genetic makeup was later influenced by hybridisation with varieties introduced into neighbouring Eritrea during the early 20th century.

We identified a landrace, Rubaksum Tsellim, as a distinct lineage with affinity to Mediterranean varieties. A landrace is a local crop variety maintained by farmers over generations, shaped by selection, exchange and adaptation rather than formal commercial breeding.

In our view, the resilience and productivity of the vines under dryland conditions suggest they may possess traits valuable for climate-resilient viticulture. They can be grown on stony farm plots and stone walls, with manual irrigation. This gives the Tigrayan grapevines genetic as well as historic value.

Gathering the evidence

Our research involved field surveys, farmer interviews, DNA analysis and the study of grape-seed shapes.

The surveys were conducted across four highland areas covering 1,269km². We found 41 vines, which suggests there could be roughly 1,000–1,500 mature vines across the wider region. Rather than growing in vineyards, they are integrated into homesteads as multifunctional plants.

One vine in Rubaksa, a lush, spring-watered village in a secluded valley of the Tembien mountains, attracted particular attention. Local residents could trace its presence back for decades.

We collected leaves for genetic analysis and seeds from dried fruit still on the vine. The plant’s DNA profile showed no match in major international grapevine reference databases we used. Instead, it revealed affinities with traditional grape varieties from the Mediterranean and Caucasus regions. The grape seeds told a similar story. Their shapes most closely resembled those of varieties from Italy, Cyprus and Greece.

Piecing together the clues suggests a distinctive local landrace, shaped by centuries of cultivation and adaptation in Tigray.

We have proposed the name Rubaksum Tsellim for this landrace, which merits conservation and global recognition. The name combines Rubaksa, Aksum, the historical centre of grape cultivation in the region, and the Tigrinya word tsellim (“dark” or “black”).

Owners of the Rubaksum Tsellim grapevine have received a certificate acknowledging the vine’s status as a unique local landrace. The certificates aim to encourage conservation and propagation through cuttings.

A link to ancient trade routes?

Wild grapevines are not native to the Horn of Africa. Any domesticated grapevine growing in northern Ethiopia must have arrived from elsewhere. They were introduced and then adapted locally over many centuries.

But how did they get there? Aksum was the capital of a powerful kingdom that flourished between roughly 150 BCE and 800 CE. Its merchants traded extensively across the Red Sea and Mediterranean, and grapes and wine were already present there in antiquity. Much later, introductions may also have occurred through colonial interventions. Both routes remain plausible. The genetic signals point towards Mediterranean ancestry, while the Rubaksa vine suggests that generations of local farmers subsequently shaped it into something distinct.

Once we had identified the distinctive landrace, we expanded our search to Aksum itself, focusing on the city’s historical quarters. There we found what appears to be the town’s oldest surviving grapevine. Genetic analysis revealed that it shares exactly the same DNA profile as the vine from Rubaksa. The resemblance extended to the seeds; both vines produced seeds that clustered closely with those of Mavro, an ancient grape variety from Cyprus and Crete. The discovery suggests that these seemingly isolated vines may be remnants of a much older grape-growing tradition that once extended across Tigray.

The persistence of the vines around historic settlements, churches and monasteries is consistent with the idea that religious institutions helped preserve grape-growing traditions long after formal viticulture had disappeared.

Why conservation matters now

These vines matter for more than historical reasons. Traditional crop varieties often contain genetic traits lost from commercial agriculture, including characteristics that may help crops tolerate drought, disease and climate change.

Having survived for generations in a semi-arid environment, Tigray’s grapevines may possess adaptations of considerable future value.

Their wider use in local grape production – for example, trained along the many stone terrace walls already present in Tigray’s farmlands – could potentially offer new opportunities for diversification.

The discovery also highlights the crucial role of farmers as custodians of agricultural biodiversity. Without generations of households maintaining and sharing these vines, this unique biocultural heritage might have disappeared.

The risk of extinction is high. The recent Tigray War disrupted rural livelihoods, and farmers in our study reported that many household grapevines were abandoned or died. This is not the first time warfare has threatened Tigray’s grapevines. In the 19th century, the German botanist Wilhelm Schimper also described their decline during a period of conflict.

Some of the vines we documented may be the last surviving plants of unique local lineages. Conserving them would preserve not only valuable genetic diversity but also a living connection between today’s farming communities and ancient agricultural landscapes.

– Tigray’s old grapevines have survived against the odds: new research uncovers their genetic and historic value
– https://theconversation.com/tigrays-old-grapevines-have-survived-against-the-odds-new-research-uncovers-their-genetic-and-historic-value-286393

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Nhlanhla Mpofu, Associate professor, University of Notre Dame Australia

Across Africa, millions of children grow up speaking African languages at home but are later expected to learn through English, French or Portuguese at school. This transition can make learning difficult, particularly when learners are required to understand new concepts in a language they are still developing.

For example, in Namibia, learners switch from mother-tongue instruction to English in Grade 4 at the age of 9 or 10, a change that has been linked to poor reading comprehension and lower academic achievement (though national statistics are not available).

We are education researchers who study teaching and learning in rural contexts, with a particular focus on how the use of multiple languages can support reading comprehension. In a recent study, we looked at what was happening in Namibian primary school classrooms and found something encouraging. When teachers brought learners’ home languages into English reading lessons, children understood texts more deeply, participated more actively in class discussions and became more confident readers. Rather than seeing home languages as barriers to learning English, teachers used them as valuable tools for explaining new vocabulary, discussing ideas and helping learners make sense of what they were reading. As a result, learners were better able to engage with English texts and develop stronger literacy skills.

Our findings show that drawing on learners’ home languages can support the goal of making quality education more accessible. By valuing learners’ linguistic backgrounds, schools can also reduce inequalities and encourage inclusion.

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Read more: Multilingualism must be celebrated as a resource, not a problem

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Three practices that transformed reading

Namibia is a country where many languages are spoken. Oshikwanyama, Oshindonga, Khoekhoegowab, Otjiherero and Afrikaans are just some of them. Although English is the official language and is widely used in education and government, most Namibians speak indigenous or local languages in their homes and communities. This linguistic diversity makes Namibia an important context for education research.

Our qualitative case study explored how five teachers in Namibia’s Oshikoto Region used translanguaging to support reading comprehension. Translanguaging means using more than one language in the classroom. These were experienced Grade 4 teachers of English as a second language. Data from classroom observations, interviews and lesson-plan analysis documented teachers’ responses to learners’ transition from mother-tongue instruction to English-medium learning.

We found that all these teachers drew on learners’ home languages, particularly Oshindonga, to support reading comprehension. They did this through three simple but powerful practices:

• using words, pictures and familiar languages to build understanding

• letting children use the language they knew best

• encouraging learners to help one another make sense of difficult texts.

1. Using words, pictures and familiar languages to build understanding

The teachers who participated in our study regularly moved between English and Oshindonga while also using pictures, gestures and visual aids to help learners make sense of what they were reading. Rather than expecting learners to rely on English alone, teachers encouraged them to draw on all the languages they knew to understand new vocabulary and unfamiliar ideas. In some classrooms, learners discussed difficult words in Oshindonga, while others used languages such as Shona, Afrikaans or Portuguese before connecting these ideas back to English.

Understanding a text involves much more than simply recognising words. Learners need to connect new information to what they already know, make sense of unfamiliar concepts and build meaning from the text. Teachers helped learners do this by linking new English vocabulary to familiar words, experiences and ideas from their home languages.

Instead of becoming stuck on unfamiliar English words, they could focus on understanding the ideas in the text. Once they understood the concepts, they were better able to engage with English reading passages.

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Read more: Learning to read in another language is tough: how Namibian teachers can help kids

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2. Letting children use the language they know best

The second strategy built on something that is already common in everyday Namibian life. In many communities, people regularly use different languages in the same conversation. For example, a shopkeeper might greet a customer in Afrikaans, the customer might respond in Oshindonga, and someone else might join the conversation in English. Even though different languages are being used, everyone understands the message.

The teachers in our study drew on this familiar way of communicating during reading lessons. One teacher described it this way:

When we are working through a reading passage, I ask questions in English but let them respond in Oshindonga if they are struggling. Then I model the English equivalent, this way they connect the concepts in both languages.

The learner first demonstrates comprehension and then learns how that understanding can be communicated in English.

When learners are required to respond only in English, their limited vocabulary can hide what they understand. By allowing learners to use Oshindonga, teachers discovered that children could discuss the meaning of a text long before they had the English proficiency to do so.

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Read more: South Africa’s classrooms should have a ‘box’ of languages to help children learn: new bilingual education policy is a start

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3. Learners helping learners

A third strategy involved learners helping one another make sense of difficult texts. Some learners were more confident in English, while others were stronger in Oshindonga, Afrikaans, Portuguese or Shona.

When learners encountered unfamiliar words or confusing ideas, they discussed them with classmates who could explain the meaning in a language they understood. These conversations helped learners unpack vocabulary, clarify misunderstandings and connect new ideas to their own experiences before returning to the English text.

This approach helped learners focus on meaning rather than individual words. Teachers observed that learners became more confident readers, asked better questions and participated more actively. The many languages spoken in the classroom became a powerful resource for improving reading comprehension.

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Read more: Thinking aloud: what happens when children read for pleasure in classroom clubs

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Learning from Namibian classrooms

The lessons from these Namibian classrooms extend far beyond one country. Across Africa, many children are taught in languages different from those spoken at home, creating barriers to learning and literacy development.

Our findings show that children do not have to leave their home languages behind to succeed in English; those languages can be a powerful foundation for learning.

Selma Ndagwedhapo Mufori contributed to this research.

– Why children learn English more easily with the help of their home language – Namibian study
– https://theconversation.com/why-children-learn-english-more-easily-with-the-help-of-their-home-language-namibian-study-287076

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Davies Tsikayi, Lecturer, University of the Witwatersrand

South Africans are getting used to the term “gas cliff” as pressure ramps up for action to be taken ahead of expected gas shortages. Natural gas supplies from Mozambique’s Pande and Temane fields will begin to fall after 2028 as their production declines. The fields have supplied roughly 90% of South Africa’s gas for more than two decades. Mechanical engineer and lecturer Davies Tsikayi sets out why the looming supply shortage poses serious risks for the country.

What’s at stake?

South Africa imports a significant share of the gas it consumes from southern Mozambique. The gas comes from the Pande-Temane fields and moves through the Republic of Mozambique Pipeline Investments Company (Rompco) pipeline into South Africa’s Mpumalanga province.

The gas cliff matters because gas is not simply another fuel in the energy mix. Although natural gas accounts for only about 2.5% of South Africa’s total energy supply, it carries strategic weight.

Roughly 35%-40% of the gas from Pande-Temane is used in Sasol’s Secunda operations, where the South African chemicals and energy company converts coal and natural gas into synthetic fuels and chemical feedstocks.

A further 35%-40% goes to Sasol’s chemicals complex at Sasolburg, where natural gas is used in production processes for chemicals including wax, methanol and ammonia. The balance is distributed to industrial and commercial users.

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Read more: South Africa will run out of industrial gas by 2028 and 70,000 jobs could be lost – why government fixes are lacking

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Sasol also sells around 20-23 petajoules of methane-rich gas per year to customers in South Africa, including manufacturers of steel, sugar, paper and pulp, and motors.

This means the gas cliff should be understood not only as an issue of energy supply, but also as a risk in industrial policy, food security and manufacturing competitiveness.

Globally, natural gas provides about 70% of ammonia production and 55%-65% of methanol production. Ammonia underpins fertiliser. Fertiliser underpins food production. Methanol is a building block for chemicals and industrial value chains. In the South African context, gas also keeps furnaces, kilns, boilers and process plants running in sectors such as steel, glass, ceramics, brewing and synthetic fuels.

A reduction in gas supply would therefore require more than a simple fuel switch. Affected firms may need to redesign production processes, install new storage and handling systems, absorb higher operating costs, and, in some cases, shift to alternatives with higher emissions profiles.

The Industrial Gas Users Association of South Africa’s estimate is blunt: alternatives such as liquid petroleum gas (LPG), diesel or electricity could cost between double and five times what users currently pay for gas, before even accounting for the capital cost of conversion.

The implications for industry and jobs are substantial. Industries reliant on this gas supply directly employ around 70,000–100,000 people. Sasol’s wider contribution is even larger: in 2021, its contribution to the South African economy was estimated at about 5% of GDP, supporting roughly 500,000 direct and indirect jobs.

The country may need 300-400 petajoules of gas per year – equivalent to 6-8 million tonnes of liquefied natural gas (LNG) – to meet industrial heating and gas-to-power needs. Consequently, the current supply is simply not enough. Delay, in this context, is not a passive position. It increases the risk of higher prices, a weaker industry and greater energy insecurity.

What needs to be done?

The policy framework and infrastructure needed to import gas are advancing. The draft Gas Master Plan, which identifies Richards Bay in South Africa as a key LNG import location and considers Matola in Mozambique as a regional supply option, has been published. Meanwhile, the terminal projects at both locations have progressed through permitting, and offtake discussions are under way. However, each of these initiatives still requires years of work, while the buffer between the country’s current position and where it needs to be has steadily eroded. The gas cliff is now only a few years away, leaving very little room for further delay.

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Read more: Gas isn’t a good alternative to coal – South Africa should focus on solar, wind and green hydrogen

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The first and most urgent option is LNG imports. The independent, non-profit economic research institution Trade and Industry Policy Strategies (TIPS) produced a study in March 2026 on South Africa’s gas landscape. The study makes it clear that South Africa has no choice but to enable LNG imports in the short to medium term. Domestic resources may help later, but they cannot close the near-term gap.

The LNG strategy must be practical, not symbolic. Durban and Richards Bay, two of South Africa’s most important commercial ports (in KwaZulu-Natal), could serve as LNG import terminals, but existing pipeline infrastructure is insufficient to supply inland demand.

South Africa therefore needs a second import route via Mozambique, through the ports of Matola or Inhassoro, to connect into existing infrastructure serving the eastern interior. Matola is already more advanced, with permitting and environmental approvals granted.

The report’s priority is a dual-terminal strategy: one LNG terminal in Mozambique to access Rompco and the inland gas market, and another in KwaZulu-Natal to serve LNG-to-power and KwaZulu-Natal industrial demand. Both must be secured and operational by mid-2030.

Regional and domestic gas sources remain essential but are not immediate saviours. Timelines, cost, distance from infrastructure and regulatory delays mean current domestic resources cannot rescue South Africa before the cliff arrives.

Demand-side measures also matter. Some users may shift to LPG, diesel, electricity, trucked LNG or compressed natural gas (CNG). Biomethane, green hydrogen and electrification may help in time. But the report is realistic: many alternatives are expensive, technically immature, logistically difficult, or higher-emitting. South Africa’s effective carbon tax, rising from R35/tonne (US$2) in 2024 to R115/tonne (US$7) in 2030, will not by itself force wholesale substitution.

What policy decisions are required?

South Africa needs a credible gas plan tied to procurement, infrastructure and industrial policy. The draft South Africa Gas Master Plan has already sketched the scale of possible future demand: about 400 petajoules a year inland by 2050 and a further 350 PJ a year in coastal regions. That planning must now become execution.

The Department of Minerals and Energy, regulators, state-owned companies and private investors need a clear LNG-to-power strategy. It should set out how much gas the country needs, who will buy it, how it will be priced and stored, and how supply can be adjusted as demand changes.

The regulatory system also needs reform. The TIPS report calls for clearer rules on what companies must assess before offshore oil and gas projects can receive environmental approval. It also proposes a specialist tribunal to resolve disputes over those approvals. Broader environmental assessments could help identify suitable areas for development. Marine spatial planning is also needed to manage competing uses of South Africa’s ocean space.

These are not bureaucratic footnotes, they determine whether investment arrives before or after the cliff.

Above all, South Africa needs coordination. The report calls for a dedicated delivery structure. This could be a new workstream similar to Operation Vulindlela – a government-led initiative designed to modernise the country’s electricity, water, transport and digital communications networks. Or it could be a Rompco-style vehicle that brings the state and private sector together, coordinated by a single gas aggregator.

A critical review of the required policy, regulatory, procurement, infrastructure and upstream development activities indicates that decisions must be taken within the next few years to avoid a post-2030 gas supply shortfall.

Many of these actions have long development and construction lead times and are highly interdependent. Delays in enabling regulations, permitting processes, LNG procurement, terminal development, or domestic gas projects could significantly affect South Africa’s ability to secure alternative gas supplies before existing supplies decline. Early action is therefore essential to ensure that import infrastructure and domestic production capacity are available in time to support future gas demand and maintain security of supply beyond 2030.

The call to action is simple: decide now, procure now, permit now, build now. The cliff will not wait for another master plan.

– A sharp fall in gas supplies in 2028 threatens South Africa’s economy: how to manage the fallout
– https://theconversation.com/a-sharp-fall-in-gas-supplies-in-2028-threatens-south-africas-economy-how-to-manage-the-fallout-286861