Category: MIL-OSI

Source: United Nations – English

r. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

Next month marks the 80th anniversary of the United Nations Charter.

The Charter is our roadmap to a better world – our owner’s manual setting out purposes and principles – and our practical guide to advancing the three pillars of our work: peace and security, development and human rights.

Anniversaries are a time to look back and celebrate – but they are even more a time to cast our eyes to the future.

It is only natural – especially in a period of turbulence and tumult – to look ahead and ask central questions: 

How can we be the most effective Organization that we can be?

How can we be more nimble, coordinated and fit to face the challenges of today, the next decade, and indeed the next 80 years?

The UN80 Initiative is anchored in answering these questions – and equipping our organization in an era of extraordinary uncertainty.

Yes, these are times of peril.

But they are also times of profound opportunity and obligation. The mission of the United Nations is more urgent than ever. 

And it is up to us to intensify our efforts to deliver the Sustainable Development Goals and be laser-focused on implementing the Pact for the Future with its many pathways to strengthen multilateralism.

Excellences,

Dès le premier jour de mon mandat, nous avons engagé un programme de réforme ambitieux visant à améliorer nos méthodes de travail – et nos résultats. Le système de développement repensé en est un exemple.

Notre objectif commun a toujours été de rendre notre Organisation plus efficace, de simplifier les procédures, d’éliminer les doublons et de renforcer la transparence et la responsabilité de chacun.

La crise de liquidités à laquelle nous sommes confrontés n’est pas nouvelle.

Mais la conjoncture financière et politique actuelle rend nos efforts encore plus urgents.

Ce qui est aujourd’hui en question, c’est l’essence même du multilatéralisme : ses valeurs, ses principes, et sa pérennité.

Mais je perçois également, chez bon nombre d’entre vous, une grande détermination et volonté politique de forger une ONU plus forte que jamais – prête à relever les défis du XXIème siècle.

Nous devons être à la hauteur de ce moment.

Excellencies,

As indicated in my letter of 11 March, the UN80 Initiative is structured around three key workstreams:

First, we are striving to rapidly identify efficiencies and improvements under current arrangements.

Second, we are reviewing the implementation of all mandates given to us by Member States.

And third, we are undertaking consideration of the need for structural changes and programme realignment across the UN system.

Under the first workstream on efficiencies and improvements, Under-Secretary-General Catherine Pollard is leading a Working Group for the Secretariat that is developing a management strategy to design a new business model for the Organization.

The Working Group is focused on developing cost-reduction and efficiency-enhancement proposals in management and operations across the UN Secretariat.

It is reviewing administrative functions to identify redundancies, streamline processes, and design integrated solutions – with cost-benefit analyses and clear implementation roadmaps.

Priority areas include:
 

• Functional and structural consolidation;

• Workforce streamlining;

• Relocating services from high-cost duty stations;

• Centralizing IT and support services, and

• Expanding automation and digital platforms.

While the Working Group’s immediate focus is on management and operational areas, the rest of the Secretariat will be expected to contribute towards the efficiency agenda. 

For example, all Secretariat entities in New York and Geneva have been asked to review their functions to determine if any can be performed from existing, lower-cost locations, or may otherwise be reduced or abolished.

This especially pertains to those functions that do not directly support inter-governmental bodies in New York and Geneva.

With respect to the broader UN system, in April, the High-Level Committee on Management identified potential system-wide efficiency measures in areas such as human resources management, supply chain management and information and communications technologies.

Concrete proposals are now being developed, including identifying services that system organizations can provide quicker, at a lower price or through more competitive contracts.

This brings me to the second workstream: mandate implementation review.

As stated in my 11 March letter, this workstream is about how the UN system implements mandates entrusted by Member States.

We will not review the mandates themselves. Those are yours to decide on.

Our job is to examine and report on how we carry them out, and our goal is to simplify and optimize how we do so. 

Nearly twenty years ago, in 2006, an analysis of mandates and the “mandate-generation cycle” was carried out by the Secretariat.

A number of problems were identified, including burdensome reporting requirements, overlap between and within organs, an unwieldy and duplicative architecture for implementation, and gaps between mandates and resources.

But let’s be frank.

Most of these problems are not only still with us – they have intensified.

We must do better. 

Our review will be conducted holistically – looking at the entire universe of mandates, and at the entirety of their implementation.

This review, therefore, cannot be limited to the UN Secretariat, but it will start there.

We have already completed an identification of all mandates reflected in the programme budget – and will soon do so for the rest of the system.

The review has so far identified over 3,600 unique mandates for the Secretariat alone.

It is now deepening its examination, clustering these mandates using various analytical lenses.

After this analytical work, relevant entities and departments will be invited to identify opportunities for improvements and consolidation of efforts.

This should result in the identification of duplications, redundancies, or opportunities for greater synergy on implementation.

Naturally, based on this work, Member States may wish to consider the opportunity to conduct themselves a review of the mandates.    

There can be no doubt that the thousands of mandates in place today – and our machinery to implement them – stretch the capacities of Member States, especially those with smaller missions, and the UN system beyond reason. 

It is as if we have allowed the formalism and quantity of reports and meetings to become ends in themselves.

The measure of success is not the volume of reports we generate or the number of meetings we convene.  The measure of success – the value, purpose and aim of our work – is in the real-world difference we make in the lives of people.

This brings me to the third workstream: structural changes.

Proposals on structural change and programme realignment are likely to emerge from the mandate implementation review.

But we have already got the ball rolling by soliciting the views of a number of UN senior leaders.

Their initial submissions – nearly 50 in all – show a high level of ambition and creativity.

Last week, we deepened some of our ideas and thinking about structural changes in a dedicated session of the UN System Chief Executives Board for Coordination.

I felt a strong sense of collective determination and responsibility from the leaders of UN entities – a shared resolve to strengthen the system and assume the challenge of change and renewal – and a united commitment to bring to you, our Member States, concrete and ambitious proposals for a renewed United Nations.

The UN system is highly diverse consisting of organizations with a wide variety of structures and mandates. 

To advance our three workstreams, I have established seven UN80 clusters – under the coordination of the UN80 Task Force and in close cooperation with the Secretariat Working Group.

Each of the seven clusters bring together the organizations that contribute to a similar specific global objectives and similar areas of work.

They will advance efforts in the three UN80 workstreams – identifying efficiencies and improvements, mandate implementation review, and possible structural changes.

They will be managed at the Principals’ level and will consist of the following:
 

• Peace and security, coordinated by DPPA, DPO, OCT, and ODA;

• Development in the Secretariat and in development we have two clusters because the work in the Secretariat is very different from the work in the Agencies, but the two clusters will be working very closely together.  So development in the Secretariat is coordinated by DESA, UNCTAD, ECA, and UNEP;

• Development (UN System), coordinated by UNDP, UNOPS, UNICEF and DCO;

• Humanitarian, coordinated by the Emergency Relief Coordinator, WFP, UNICEF, UNHCR, and IOM;

• Human Rights, coordinated by OHCHR;

• Training and Research, coordinated by UNU and UNITAR; and finally

• Specialized Agencies, coordinated by ITU and ILO.

They will be the locomotive force for concrete proposals. And they will operate at the high level of ambition that our times demand – and that also echo in large measure the calls contained in the Pact for the Future.

Excellencies,

In all three workstreams, my objective is to move as quickly as possible.

Initiatives impacting on the [Proposed] Programme Budget for 2026 prepared under the coordination of the Secretariat Working Group will be included in the revised estimates for the 2026 budget to be presented in September.

As you know, the budget for 2026, the proposal was already given to ACABQ some time ago and it will be impossible to change it at the present moment.  We will revise our proposals and present the revised version in September on time for the process to take place for the approval of the budget before the end of the year.

Additional changes that require more detailed analysis will be presented in the proposal for the Proposed Programme Budget for 2027.

We expect meaningful reductions in the overall budget level.

For example, let me describe what is under consideration in the peace and security cluster.

First – resetting DPPA and DPO, merging units, eliminating functional and structural duplications, getting rid of functions that are also exercised in other parts of the system. I believe we’ll be able to eliminate 20% of the posts of the two departments.
 
Second – a similar exercise of streamlining the civilian part of Peacekeeping.

Third – The consolidation within OCT of all counterterrorism activities spread in the system.

Fourth – a review of the present structure of Regional Offices, Special Representatives and Envoys aiming at a consolidation of the system – with increased functionality and meaningful savings.

The level of reduction of posts that I have outlined for DPPA and DPO must be seen as a reference for the wider UN80 exercise, naturally taking into account the specificities of each area of work.

There might be immediate, one-off costs involved in relocating staff and providing potential termination packages.

But by moving posts from high-cost locations, we can reduce our commercial footprint in those cities and reduce our post and non-post costs.

We have already seen considerable savings in New York by terminating the lease of one building and moving staff into other existing premises – and we expect to close two more buildings when their leases expire in 2027 with considerable savings.

While the regular budget is our immediate focus, the efficiency efforts will include the entire Secretariat across all funding streams.

This will entail some difficult decisions as we assess structures and processes and seek meaningful efficiencies.

The impact on Member State contributions will be visible for years.

But we cannot achieve the efficiencies required unless we also focus on the programmatic areas of our work. 

Dedicated outreach with the wider UN system is now underway, and will take profit of the work of the established clusters. 

Additional proposals resulting from the other workstreams will be submitted to Member States for consideration as appropriate.

Many changes will require the approval by the General Assembly this year and next.

I will consult closely and regularly with Member States on progress, seeking guidance on the way forward, and presenting concrete proposals for discussion and decision-making when appropriate.

We know that some of these changes will be painful for our UN family.

Staff and their representatives are being consulted and heard. Our concern is to be humane and professional in dealing with any aspect of the required restructuring.

Excellencies,

The UN80 Initiative is a significant opportunity to strengthen the UN system and deliver for those who depend on us.

It is central for implementing the Pact for the Future. 

It is crucial for advancing the Sustainable Development Goals. 

The needs of the people we serve must remain our guiding star.

We must always stick to principles.

We must never compromise core values. We must forever uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.

We will advance all this work so that our three pillars – peace and security, development and human rights – are mutually reinforced, and the geographical balance of our workforce and our gender and disability strategies will be preserved.

And we will be ever mindful of the interests of all Member States – developing countries, in particular.

Your active engagement and support for the UN80 Initiative is vital to ensure that efforts are inclusive, innovative, and representative of the needs of all Member States.

The success of the UN80 Initiative depends on all of us living up to our shared and complementary responsibilities.

Many decisions ultimately are in your hands as Member States.

Many of you have agreed that this must be the moment to be bold and ambitious.

That is what our Organization needs – and that is what our times demand.

Make no mistake – uncomfortable and difficult decisions lie ahead.

It may be easier – and even tempting – to ignore them or kick the can down the road.

But that road is a dead end.

We cannot afford to act in any other way than with the highest level of ambition and common purpose.

Let us seize this momentum with urgency and determination, and work together to build the strongest and most effective United Nations for today and tomorrow.

And I thank you.

***
[All-English]

Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

Next month marks the 80th anniversary of the United Nations Charter.

The Charter is our roadmap to a better world – our owner’s manual setting out purposes and principles – and our practical guide to advancing the three pillars of our work: peace and security, development and human rights.

Anniversaries are a time to look back and celebrate – but they are even more a time to cast our eyes to the future.

It is only natural – especially in a period of turbulence and tumult – to look ahead and ask central questions: 

How can we be the most effective Organization that we can be?

How can we be more nimble, coordinated and fit to face the challenges of today, the next decade, and indeed the next 80 years?

The UN80 Initiative is anchored in answering these questions – and equipping our organization in an era of extraordinary uncertainty.

Yes, these are times of peril.

But they are also times of profound opportunity and obligation. The mission of the United Nations is more urgent than ever. 

And it is up to us to intensify our efforts to deliver the Sustainable Development Goals and be laser-focused on implementing the Pact for the Future with its many pathways to strengthen multilateralism.

Excellencies, 

From day one of my mandate, we embarked on an ambitious reform agenda to strengthen how we work and deliver. The reimagined development system is one example. 

Our shared goal has always been to make our Organization more efficient, to simplify procedures, eliminate overlaps, and enhance transparency and accountability.

The liquidity crisis we now face is not new. 

But today’s financial and political situation adds even greater urgency to our efforts. 

We face real threats to the very fabric, values, principles, and sustainability of multilateralism.  

But I also sense from many of you a robust determination and political will to ensure the strongest possible United Nations for the 21st century.

We must rise to this moment. 

Excellencies,

As indicated in my letter of 11 March, the UN80 Initiative is structured around three key workstreams:

First, we are striving to rapidly identify efficiencies and improvements under current arrangements.

Second, we are reviewing the implementation of all mandates given to us by Member States.

And third, we are undertaking consideration of the need for structural changes and programme realignment across the UN system.

Under the first workstream on efficiencies and improvements, Under-Secretary-General Catherine Pollard is leading a Working Group for the Secretariat that is developing a management strategy to design a new business model for the Organization.

The Working Group is focused on developing cost-reduction and efficiency-enhancement proposals in management and operations across the UN Secretariat.

It is reviewing administrative functions to identify redundancies, streamline processes, and design integrated solutions – with cost-benefit analyses and clear implementation roadmaps.

Priority areas include:
 

• Functional and structural consolidation;

• Workforce streamlining;

• Relocating services from high-cost duty stations;

• Centralizing IT and support services, and

• Expanding automation and digital platforms.

While the Working Group’s immediate focus is on management and operational areas, the rest of the Secretariat will be expected to contribute towards the efficiency agenda. 

For example, all Secretariat entities in New York and Geneva have been asked to review their functions to determine if any can be performed from existing, lower-cost locations, or may otherwise be reduced or abolished.

This especially pertains to those functions that do not directly support inter-governmental bodies in New York and Geneva.

With respect to the broader UN system, in April, the High-Level Committee on Management identified potential system-wide efficiency measures in areas such as human resources management, supply chain management and information and communications technologies.

Concrete proposals are now being developed, including identifying services that system organizations can provide quicker, at a lower price or through more competitive contracts.

This brings me to the second workstream: mandate implementation review.

As stated in my 11 March letter, this workstream is about how the UN system implements mandates entrusted by Member States.

We will not review the mandates themselves. Those are yours to decide on.

Our job is to examine and report on how we carry them out, and our goal is to simplify and optimize how we do so. 

Nearly twenty years ago, in 2006, an analysis of mandates and the “mandate-generation cycle” was carried out by the Secretariat.

A number of problems were identified, including burdensome reporting requirements, overlap between and within organs, an unwieldy and duplicative architecture for implementation, and gaps between mandates and resources.

But let’s be frank.

Most of these problems are not only still with us – they have intensified.

We must do better. 

Our review will be conducted holistically – looking at the entire universe of mandates, and at the entirety of their implementation.

This review, therefore, cannot be limited to the UN Secretariat, but it will start there.

We have already completed an identification of all mandates reflected in the programme budget – and will soon do so for the rest of the system.

The review has so far identified over 3,600 unique mandates for the Secretariat alone.

It is now deepening its examination, clustering these mandates using various analytical lenses.

After this analytical work, relevant entities and departments will be invited to identify opportunities for improvements and consolidation of efforts.

This should result in the identification of duplications, redundancies, or opportunities for greater synergy on implementation.

Naturally, based on this work, Member States may wish to consider the opportunity to conduct themselves a review of the mandates.    

There can be no doubt that the thousands of mandates in place today – and our machinery to implement them – stretch the capacities of Member States, especially those with smaller missions, and the UN system beyond reason. 

It is as if we have allowed the formalism and quantity of reports and meetings to become ends in themselves.

The measure of success is not the volume of reports we generate or the number of meetings we convene.  The measure of success – the value, purpose and aim of our work – is in the real-world difference we make in the lives of people.

This brings me to the third workstream: structural changes.

Proposals on structural change and programme realignment are likely to emerge from the mandate implementation review.

But we have already got the ball rolling by soliciting the views of a number of UN senior leaders.

Their initial submissions – nearly 50 in all – show a high level of ambition and creativity.

Last week, we deepened some of our ideas and thinking about structural changes in a dedicated session of the UN System Chief Executives Board for Coordination.

I felt a strong sense of collective determination and responsibility from the leaders of UN entities – a shared resolve to strengthen the system and assume the challenge of change and renewal – and a united commitment to bring to you, our Member States, concrete and ambitious proposals for a renewed United Nations.

The UN system is highly diverse consisting of organizations with a wide variety of structures and mandates. 

To advance our three workstreams, I have established seven UN80 clusters – under the coordination of the UN80 Task Force and in close cooperation with the Secretariat Working Group.

Each of the seven clusters bring together the organizations that contribute to a similar specific global objectives and similar areas of work.

They will advance efforts in the three UN80 workstreams – identifying efficiencies and improvements, mandate implementation review, and possible structural changes.

They will be managed at the Principals’ level and will consist of the following:
 

• Peace and security, coordinated by DPPA, DPO, OCT, and ODA;

• Development in the Secretariat and in development we have two clusters because the work in the Secretariat is very different from the work in the Agencies, but the two clusters will be working very closely together.  So development in the Secretariat is coordinated by DESA, UNCTAD, ECA, and UNEP;

• Development (UN System), coordinated by UNDP, UNOPS, UNICEF and DCO;

• Humanitarian, coordinated by the Emergency Relief Coordinator, WFP, UNICEF, UNHCR, and IOM;

• Human Rights, coordinated by OHCHR;

• Training and Research, coordinated by UNU and UNITAR; and finally

• Specialized Agencies, coordinated by ITU and ILO.

They will be the locomotive force for concrete proposals. And they will operate at the high level of ambition that our times demand – and that also echo in large measure the calls contained in the Pact for the Future.

Excellencies,

In all three workstreams, my objective is to move as quickly as possible.

Initiatives impacting on the [Proposed] Programme Budget for 2026 prepared under the coordination of the Secretariat Working Group will be included in the revised estimates for the 2026 budget to be presented in September.

As you know, the budget for 2026, the proposal was already given to ACABQ some time ago and it will be impossible to change it at the present moment.  We will revise our proposals and present the revised version in September on time for the process to take place for the approval of the budget before the end of the year.

Additional changes that require more detailed analysis will be presented in the proposal for the Proposed Programme Budget for 2027.

We expect meaningful reductions in the overall budget level.

For example, let me describe what is under consideration in the peace and security cluster.

First – resetting DPPA and DPO, merging units, eliminating functional and structural duplications, getting rid of functions that are also exercised in other parts of the system. I believe we’ll be able to eliminate 20% of the posts of the two departments.
 
Second – a similar exercise of streamlining the civilian part of Peacekeeping.

Third – The consolidation within OCT of all counterterrorism activities spread in the system.

Fourth – a review of the present structure of Regional Offices, Special Representatives and Envoys aiming at a consolidation of the system – with increased functionality and meaningful savings.

The level of reduction of posts that I have outlined for DPPA and DPO must be seen as a reference for the wider UN80 exercise, naturally taking into account the specificities of each area of work.

There might be immediate, one-off costs involved in relocating staff and providing potential termination packages.

But by moving posts from high-cost locations, we can reduce our commercial footprint in those cities and reduce our post and non-post costs.

We have already seen considerable savings in New York by terminating the lease of one building and moving staff into other existing premises – and we expect to close two more buildings when their leases expire in 2027 with considerable savings.

While the regular budget is our immediate focus, the efficiency efforts will include the entire Secretariat across all funding streams.

This will entail some difficult decisions as we assess structures and processes and seek meaningful efficiencies.

The impact on Member State contributions will be visible for years.

But we cannot achieve the efficiencies required unless we also focus on the programmatic areas of our work. 

Dedicated outreach with the wider UN system is now underway, and will take profit of the work of the established clusters. 

Additional proposals resulting from the other workstreams will be submitted to Member States for consideration as appropriate.

Many changes will require the approval by the General Assembly this year and next.

I will consult closely and regularly with Member States on progress, seeking guidance on the way forward, and presenting concrete proposals for discussion and decision-making when appropriate.

We know that some of these changes will be painful for our UN family.

Staff and their representatives are being consulted and heard. Our concern is to be humane and professional in dealing with any aspect of the required restructuring.

Excellencies,

The UN80 Initiative is a significant opportunity to strengthen the UN system and deliver for those who depend on us.

It is central for implementing the Pact for the Future. 

It is crucial for advancing the Sustainable Development Goals. 

The needs of the people we serve must remain our guiding star.

We must always stick to principles.

We must never compromise core values. We must forever uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.

We will advance all this work so that our three pillars – peace and security, development and human rights – are mutually reinforced, and the geographical balance of our workforce and our gender and disability strategies will be preserved.

And we will be ever mindful of the interests of all Member States – developing countries, in particular.

Your active engagement and support for the UN80 Initiative is vital to ensure that efforts are inclusive, innovative, and representative of the needs of all Member States.

The success of the UN80 Initiative depends on all of us living up to our shared and complementary responsibilities.

Many decisions ultimately are in your hands as Member States.

Many of you have agreed that this must be the moment to be bold and ambitious.

That is what our Organization needs – and that is what our times demand.

Make no mistake – uncomfortable and difficult decisions lie ahead.

It may be easier – and even tempting – to ignore them or kick the can down the road.

But that road is a dead end.

We cannot afford to act in any other way than with the highest level of ambition and common purpose.

Let us seize this momentum with urgency and determination, and work together to build the strongest and most effective United Nations for today and tomorrow.

And I thank you.

Source: United Nations – English

strong>Download the video:
https://s3.us-east-1.amazonaws.com/downloads2.unmultimedia.org/public/video/evergreen/MSG+SG+/SG+21+FEB+2025/MSG+SG+LETHAL+AUTONOMOUS+WEAPONS+SYSTEM+21+FEB+25.mp4

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

I send greetings to everyone attending these important consultations on a defining issue of our time — the threat posed by lethal autonomous weapons systems.

Machines that have the power and discretion to take human lives without human control are politically unacceptable, morally repugnant and should be banned by international law.

I reiterate my call for the conclusion of a legally binding instrument by 2026.

The work being done by you and others around the world — including within the context of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons — is moving us in the right direction.

And my report of last year on this issue demonstrates widespread agreement on some fundamental principles.

First — human control over the use of force is essential.

We cannot delegate life-or-death decisions to machines.

And second — time is running out to take preventative action.

The Pact for the Future underscores the need for urgency and action on this issue.

We are living through deeply dangerous and divided times, and we don’t have a moment to lose.

As we look to accelerate action, these consultations provide an opportunity to discuss and overcome the concerns Member States have been raising.

From security and human rights to ethics — there are many aspects that require deeper consideration.

On an issue of such concern to all of humanity, every voice must be heard.

I thank you for providing yours, and helping us draw closer to a world in which lethal autonomous weapons systems have no place.

***
 

Source: United Nations – English

strong>Download the video:
https://s3.us-east-1.amazonaws.com/downloads2.unmultimedia.org/public/video/evergreen/MSG+SG+/SG+Vesak+Day+21+Feb+25/3341595_MSG+SG+DAY+OF+VESAK+21+FEB+25.mp4

On this Day of Vesak, I extend my warmest wishes to Buddhists worldwide as they commemorate the birth, enlightenment, and passing of the Buddha.

The Buddha’s teachings of compassion, tolerance and selfless service resonate deeply with the values of the United Nations.

In an era of profound global challenges, these timeless principles must guide our shared path forward.

As we honor this sacred occasion, may we be inspired to bridge divides, foster solidarity, and work together towards a more peaceful, sustainable and harmonious world.

Happy Vesak Day to all.

***

En ce jour du Vesak, je présente mes meilleurs vœux aux bouddhistes du monde entier qui commémorent la naissance, l’éveil et la disparition du Bouddha.

Les enseignements du Bouddha sur la compassion, la tolérance et l’altruisme font parfaitement écho aux valeurs de l’Organisation des Nations Unies.

À une époque marquée par de graves problèmes mondiaux, ces principes intemporels nous montrent la voie que nous devons suivre ensemble.

Que ce jour sacré nous incite à jeter des ponts, à favoriser la solidarité et à œuvrer de concert à la création d’un monde plus pacifique, plus durable et plus harmonieux.

Bonne Journée du Vesak à toutes et tous.

***
 

Source: United Nations – English

he Secretary-General welcomes the ceasefire agreement between India and Pakistan as a positive step toward ending current hostilities and easing tensions. He hopes the agreement will contribute to lasting peace and foster an environment conducive to addressing broader, longstanding issues between the two countries.

The United Nations stands ready to support efforts aimed at promoting peace and stability in the region.

Source: United Nations – English

extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Holiness Pope Leo XIV and Catholics around the world. 

The election of a new Pope is a moment of profound spiritual significance for millions of faithful around the world, and it comes at a time of great global challenges. 

Our world is in need of the strongest voices for peace, social justice, human dignity and compassion.

I look forward to building on the long legacy of cooperation between the United Nations and the Holy See – nurtured most recently by Pope Francis – to advance solidarity, foster reconciliation, and build a just and sustainable world for all.

It is rooted in the first words of Pope Leo.  Despite the rich diversity of backgrounds and beliefs, people everywhere share a common goal: May peace be with all the world.
 

Source: United Nations – English

xcellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

His Holiness Pope Francis was a man of faith — and a bridge-builder among all faiths.  

He was a champion of the most marginalized people on earth.

He was a voice of community in a world of division…

A voice of mercy in a world of cruelty…

A voice of peace in a world of war.

And he was a steadfast friend of the United Nations, addressing Member States from this very podium in 2015.

During that historic visit, he also spoke of our organization’s ideal of a “united human family living in harmony, working not only for peace, but in peace, working not only for justice, but in a spirit of justice.”

On behalf of our UN family, I extend by deepest condolences to the Catholic community and to so many others around the world grieving this tremendous loss.

Excellencies,

Pope Francis was at the helm of the Roman Catholic Church for a dozen years — but that was preceded by decades of service and good works.

As a young man, Pope Francis found his calling in the slums of Buenos Aires, where his dedication to serving the poor earned him the title “Bishop of the Slums.”

These early experiences sharpened his conviction that faith must be an engine of action and change.  

Pope Francis put that engine into overdrive as an unstoppable voice for social justice and equality.  

His 2020 encyclical, Fratelli Tutti, drew a straight line between greed and poverty, hunger, inequality and suffering.

While decrying the inequality that defines our globalized economy, he also warned against what he called “globalization of indifference.”  

I will never forget the first official visit he undertook as Pope, at a time when I served as High Commissioner for Refugees.

Pope Francis chose to go to the Mediterranean island of Lampedusa in 2013 — to put a global spotlight on the desperate plight of asylum seekers and migrants.

He warned against “the culture of comfort, which makes us think only of ourselves, makes us insensitive to the cries of other people.”

And on last year’s World Refugee Day, he called on all countries “to welcome, promote, accompany and integrate those who knock on our doors.”

When I met with him at the Vatican as Secretary-General in 2019, I was struck by his humanity and his humility. 

He always saw challenges through the eyes of those on the peripheries of life. 

And he said we can never look away from injustice and inequality — or close our eyes to those suffering from conflict or acts of violence.   

Always a pilgrim for peace, Pope Francis ventured to war-torn countries around the world — from Iraq to South Sudan to the Democratic Republic of Congo and beyond — decrying bloodshed and violence, and pushing for reconciliation.  

He stood with conviction for innocents caught in war zones such as Ukraine and Gaza.

He did it with his global platform — but he also did it in much more personal and profound ways.

Every day without fail, precisely at 7:00 p.m., he would quietly call the Church of the Holy Family in Gaza City.

As someone at the Church said, “He would ask us how we were, what did we eat, did we have clean water, was anyone injured? It was never diplomatic or a matter of obligation. It was the questions a father asks to their son.”

And in his final message on Easter Sunday, Pope Francis underscored the vital importance of ending these conflicts.      

Jusqu’au bout, le pape François aura incarné l’appel à la justice – pour les peuples et pour la planète.

Grâce à son encyclique Laudato Si publiée en 2015, il a contribué à l’adoption de l’Accord de Paris en appelant les dirigeants à protéger « notre maison commune ».

Il a également mis en évidence les liens manifestes entre la dégradation de l’environnement et la dégradation de la condition humaine.

Le pape François comprenait que ceux qui avaient le moins contribué à la crise climatique en subissaient les conséquences les plus graves – et que nous avons le devoir spirituel et moral d’agir.

Excelencias:

En el mundo actual de división y discordia, es particularmente significativo que el Papa Francisco haya proclamado 2025 como el año de la esperanza.

Él fue siempre un mensajero de esperanza. 

Ahora nos corresponde a todos nosotros llevar adelante esta esperanza.

En su funeral del sábado, me conmovió profundamente ver a líderes de todas las religiones y tendencias políticas unirse en solidaridad para honrar la vida y los logros del Papa Francisco – un raro espíritu de unidad y reflexión solemne que necesitamos ahora más que nunca.

Nuestro mundo sería un lugar mucho mejor si siguiéramos su ejemplo de unidad, compasión y comprensión mutua a través de nuestras propias palabras y acciones.  

Mientras lloramos la muerte del Papa Francisco, renovemos nuestro compromiso con la paz, la dignidad humana y la justicia social – las causas a las que dedicó cada momento de su extraordinaria vida.

Muchas gracias.

***
[All-English]

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

His Holiness Pope Francis was a man of faith — and a bridge-builder among all faiths.  

He was a champion of the most marginalized people on earth.

He was a voice of community in a world of division…

A voice of mercy in a world of cruelty…

A voice of peace in a world of war.

And he was a steadfast friend of the United Nations, addressing Member States from this very podium in 2015.

During that historic visit, he also spoke of our organization’s ideal of a “united human family living in harmony, working not only for peace, but in peace, working not only for justice, but in a spirit of justice.”

On behalf of our UN family, I extend by deepest condolences to the Catholic community and to so many others around the world grieving this tremendous loss.

Excellencies,

Pope Francis was at the helm of the Roman Catholic Church for a dozen years — but that was preceded by decades of service and good works.

As a young man, Pope Francis found his calling in the slums of Buenos Aires, where his dedication to serving the poor earned him the title “Bishop of the Slums.”

These early experiences sharpened his conviction that faith must be an engine of action and change.  

Pope Francis put that engine into overdrive as an unstoppable voice for social justice and equality.  

His 2020 encyclical, Fratelli Tutti, drew a straight line between greed and poverty, hunger, inequality and suffering.

While decrying the inequality that defines our globalized economy, he also warned against what he called “globalization of indifference.”  

I will never forget the first official visit he undertook as Pope, at a time when I served as High Commissioner for Refugees.

Pope Francis chose to go to the Mediterranean island of Lampedusa in 2013 — to put a global spotlight on the desperate plight of asylum seekers and migrants.

He warned against “the culture of comfort, which makes us think only of ourselves, makes us insensitive to the cries of other people.”

And on last year’s World Refugee Day, he called on all countries “to welcome, promote, accompany and integrate those who knock on our doors.”

When I met with him at the Vatican as Secretary-General in 2019, I was struck by his humanity and his humility. 

He always saw challenges through the eyes of those on the peripheries of life. 

And he said we can never look away from injustice and inequality — or close our eyes to those suffering from conflict or acts of violence.   

Always a pilgrim for peace, Pope Francis ventured to war-torn countries around the world — from Iraq to South Sudan to the Democratic Republic of Congo and beyond — decrying bloodshed and violence, and pushing for reconciliation.  

He stood with conviction for innocents caught in war zones such as Ukraine and Gaza.

He did it with his global platform — but he also did it in much more personal and profound ways.

Every day without fail, precisely at 7:00 p.m., he would quietly call the Church of the Holy Family in Gaza City.

As someone at the Church said, “He would ask us how we were, what did we eat, did we have clean water, was anyone injured? It was never diplomatic or a matter of obligation. It was the questions a father asks to their son.”

And in his final message on Easter Sunday, Pope Francis underscored the vital importance of ending these conflicts.      

Throughout, Pope Francis was a clear voice of justice for people and planet.

He helped secure the adoption of the Paris Agreement with his 2015 encyclical Laudato Si that called on leaders to protect “our common home.”

He also highlighted the clear ties between environmental degradation and the degradation of humanity.

Pope Francis understood that those who contributed the least to the climate crisis suffered the most — and that we have a spiritual and moral duty to act.

Excellencies,

In today’s world of division and discord, it is particularly meaningful that Pope Francis proclaimed 2025 to be the year of hope.

He was forever a messenger of hope. 

Now it falls to all of us to carry this hope forward.

At his funeral on Saturday, I was deeply moved to see leaders from across all faiths and political stripes come together in solidarity to honour the life and achievements of Pope Francis — a rare spirit of unity and solemn reflection that we need now, more than ever.
Our world would be a much better place if we followed his lifelong example of unity, compassion and mutual understanding through our own words and actions.  

As we mourn the passing of Pope Francis, let us renew our pledge to peace, human dignity and social justice — the causes for which he dedicated every moment of his most extraordinary life.

Thank you.

***
[All-French]

Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs,

Sa Sainteté le pape François était un homme de foi – et un bâtisseur de ponts entre toutes les religions.

Il s’était fait le champion des personnes les plus marginalisées sur Terre.

Il était une voix de solidarité dans un monde de clivages…

Une voix de compassion dans un monde de cruauté…

Une voix de paix dans un monde de guerre.

C’était aussi un grand ami de l’Organisation des Nations Unies et il s’était exprimé en 2015 devant les États Membres depuis cette même tribune.

Lors de cette visite historique, il avait évoqué l’idéal de notre Organisation, à savoir « une famille humaine unie, vivant en harmonie, travaillant non seulement pour la paix, mais dans la paix ; travaillant non seulement pour la justice, mais dans un esprit de justice. »

Au nom de notre famille, celle des Nations Unies, j’adresse mes plus sincères condoléances à l’ensemble des catholiques et aux nombreuses autres personnes qui, partout dans le monde, souffrent de cette terrible perte.

Excellences,

Le pape François a été à la tête de l’Église catholique romaine pendant 12 ans, mais son pontificat a été précédé par des décennies de service et de bonnes œuvres.

Jeune homme, il a trouvé sa vocation dans les quartiers défavorisés de Buenos Aires, où son dévouement au service des pauvres lui a ensuite valu le titre « d’évêque des bidonvilles ».

Ces premières expériences ont renforcé sa conviction que la foi devait être un moteur d’action et de changement.

Restant fidèle à cette conviction, il a défendu sans relâche la cause de la justice sociale et de l’égalité.

Dans son encyclique de 2020, Fratelli Tutti, François a établi un lien direct entre la cupidité, d’une part, et la pauvreté, la faim, l’inégalité et la souffrance, d’autre part.

Tout en dénonçant les inégalités qui caractérisent notre économie mondialisée, il a également mis en garde contre ce qu’il appelait la « mondialisation de l’indifférence ».

Je n’oublierai jamais sa première visite officielle en tant que pape, à une époque où j’étais Haut‑Commissaire pour les réfugiés.

En 2013, François avait choisi de se rendre sur l’île méditerranéenne de Lampedusa pour appeler l’attention du monde entier sur la situation désespérée des demandeurs d’asile et des migrants.

Il avait alors mis en garde contre « la culture du bien-être, qui nous amène à penser à nous-même, nous rend insensibles aux cris des autres ».

L’année dernière, à l’occasion de la Journée mondiale des réfugiés, il a exhorté tous les pays à « accueillir, promouvoir, accompagner et intégrer ceux qui frappent à nos portes ».

Quand je l’ai rencontré au Vatican en 2019 en ma qualité de Secrétaire général, j’ai été frappé par son humanité et son humilité.

Il voyait toujours les problèmes à travers les yeux de celles et ceux qui sont relégués aux périphéries.

Il disait qu’il ne fallait jamais détourner le regard de l’injustice et de l’inégalité, ni fermer les yeux sur celles et ceux qui subissent les conséquences d’un conflit ou d’actes de violence.

Infatigable pèlerin de la paix, le pape François s’est rendu dans des pays déchirés par la guerre – de l’Iraq au Soudan du Sud, en passant par la République démocratique du Congo – pour dénoncer la violence et les affrontements sanglants et prôner la réconciliation.

Il défendait avec conviction les innocents qui se trouvent dans des zones de guerre, comme en Ukraine et dans la bande de Gaza.

Il le faisait depuis sa tribune, mais aussi à un niveau beaucoup plus personnel.

Tous les jours sans exception, à 19 heures précises, il se retirait pour appeler l’église de la Sainte-Famille, à Gaza.

L’un de ses interlocuteurs a raconté ces conversations : « François nous demandait : “comment allez-vous ? Qu’avez-vous mangé ? Avez-vous de l’eau ? Y-a-t-il des blessés parmi vous ?” Il ne le faisait pas pour des raisons diplomatiques ou par obligation. C’était le genre de questions qu’un père aurait posées ».

Et, dans son tout dernier message, le dimanche de Pâques, le pape François a souligné à quel point il était vital de mettre fin à tous ces conflits.

Jusqu’au bout, le pape François aura incarné l’appel à la justice – pour les peuples et pour la planète.

Grâce à son encyclique Laudato Si publiée en 2015, il a contribué à l’adoption de l’Accord de Paris en appelant les dirigeants à protéger « notre maison commune ».

Il a également mis en évidence les liens manifestes entre la dégradation de l’environnement et la dégradation de la condition humaine.

Le pape François comprenait que ceux qui avaient le moins contribué à la crise climatique en subissaient les conséquences les plus graves – et que nous avons le devoir spirituel et moral d’agir.

Excellences,

Dans ce monde de division et de discorde, le fait que le pape François ait proclamé 2025 année de l’espérance revêt une signification particulière.

Il aura été jusqu’au bout un messager de l’espérance.

Et c’est à nous qu’il revient maintenant de continuer de faire vivre cette espérance.

À ses funérailles, samedi, j’ai été profondément ému de voir des dirigeants de toutes confessions et toutes tendances politiques réunis dans la solidarité pour rendre hommage à la vie et à l’œuvre du pape François, dans un esprit d’unité et de réflexion solennelle rares dont nous avons plus que jamais besoin aujourd’hui.

Notre monde serait bien meilleur si nous suivions, dans nos propres paroles et actions, l’exemple d’unité, de compassion et de compréhension mutuelle qu’il a donné tout au long de sa vie.

Que ce deuil soit l’occasion de renouveler notre engagement en faveur de la paix, de la dignité humaine et de la justice sociale, causes pour lesquelles le pape François a consacré chaque instant d’une vie pour le moins extraordinaire.

Je vous remercie.
 

Source: United Nations – English

r. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of ECOSOC,

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

This year’s ECOSOC Forum comes at a pivotal time.

We are in the final stretch of preparations for the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development in Sevilla.

And we face some harsh truths. 

The harsh truth of donors pulling the plug on aid commitments and delivery at historic speed and scale.

The harsh truth of trade barriers being erected at a dizzying pace.

The harsh truth that the Sustainable Development Goals are dramatically off track, exacerbated by an annual financing gap of an estimated $4 trillion.

And the harsh truth of prohibitively high borrowing costs that are draining away public investments in everything from education and health systems, to social protection, infrastructure and the energy transition.

But there’s another, much larger — and more dangerous — truth underlying all these challenges:  
The harsh truth that global collaboration is being actively questioned.

Look no further than trade wars. 

Trade — fair trade — is a prime example of the benefits of international cooperation.

And trade barriers are a clear and present danger to the global economy and sustainable development – as demonstrated in recent sharply lower forecasts by the International Monetary Fund, UNCTAD, the World Trade Organization and many others.

In a trade war, everybody loses — especially the most vulnerable countries and people, who are hit the hardest.

Excellencies,

Against this turbulent background, we cannot let our financing for development ambitions get swept away.

With just five years to reach the Sustainable Development Goals, we need to shift into overdrive.  

That includes making good on the commitments countries made in the Pact for the Future in September:

From an SDG stimulus to help countries invest in their people…

To vital and long-awaited reforms to the global financial architecture…

To the Pact’s clear commitments to open, fair and rules-based trade…

To its call for an analysis of the impact of military expenditures on the achievement of the SDGs, with a final report out by September…

To the Pact’s urging for an ambitious outcome to July’s Conference on Financing for Development.

As you continue negotiations on the draft outcome document for Sevilla, I push for action in three key areas.

First — on debt.

When applied smartly and fairly, debt can be an ally of development.

Instead, it has become a villain.

In many developing countries, gains are getting crushed under the weight of debt service, siphoning away investments in education, health and infrastructure.

And the problem is getting worse.

Debt service for developing economies has soared past $1.4 trillion a year.

Debt service now exceeds 10 per cent of government revenue in more than 50 developing countries — and more than 20 per cent in 17 countries — a clear warning sign of default.

The Sevilla Conference should emerge with a commitment by Member States to lower the cost of borrowing, improve debt restructuring, and prevent crises from taking hold.

This includes establishing a dedicated facility to help developing countries manage their liabilities and enhance liquidity in times of crisis.

The G20 must also continue its work to speed up the Common Framework for Debt Treatments and expand support for countries that are currently ineligible — including middle-income countries in difficulties.

And credit ratings agencies need to rethink ratings methodologies that drive up borrowing costs for developing countries.

At the same time, the IMF and World Bank should push forward on reforming debt assessments to account for sustainable development investments and climate risks.

These proposals and the many others contained in the draft outcome document provide an ambitious roadmap to help developing countries use debt in a constructive and sustainable way.

Second — we need to unlock the full potential of our international financial institutions.

If finance is the fuel of development, Multilateral Development Banks are its engine.

And this engine needs revving up. 

We will keep pushing to triple the lending capacity of Multilateral Development Banks, making them bigger and bolder, as called for in the draft outcome document.

This includes recapitalization, stretching their balance sheets and substantially increasing their capacity to mobilize private finance at reasonable costs for developing countries.

We must ensure that concessional finance is deployed where it is most needed.

And we need to see that developing countries are represented fairly — and have a voice — in the governance of these institutions they depend on.

Troisièmement, nous devons prendre des mesures concrètes pour augmenter tous les flux de financement.

Oui, les temps sont durs.

Mais c’est d’autant plus dans les périodes difficiles qu’un investissement responsable et durable s’impose.

Au niveau national, les gouvernements doivent mobiliser davantage de ressources internes et les diriger vers des systèmes essentiels tels que l’éducation, la santé et les infrastructures…

Ils doivent collaborer avec des partenaires privés pour multiplier les options de financement mixte…

Et intensifier la lutte contre la corruption et les flux financiers illicites.

Au niveau mondial, nous devons poursuivre nos efforts en vue d’établir un régime fiscal mondial inclusif et efficace, et veiller à ce que les règles fiscales internationales soient effectivement et équitablement appliquées.

Les donateurs doivent tenir leurs promesses en matière d’aide publique au développement et s’assurer que ces précieuses ressources parviennent aux pays en développement.

Pour notre part, nous donnerons aux équipes de pays des Nations Unies tous les moyens pour collaborer avec les gouvernements hôtes, afin qu’un maximum de ressources soit affecté au développement durable aux niveaux national et régional.

Et nous saisirons toutes les occasions, y compris la COP30 au Brésil, pour demander aux dirigeants de trouver des sources innovantes de financement de l’action climatique dans les pays en développement – afin de mobiliser 1 300 milliards de dollars par an d’ici à 2035.

Tout cela exige des efforts particuliers en terme de sources innovantes de financement.

Excellences,

À bien des égards, l’avenir du système multilatéral dépend du financement du développement.

Il en va de notre conviction que le règlement des problèmes mondiaux – tels que la pauvreté, la faim et la crise climatique – demande des solutions mondiales.

Tirons le meilleur parti de ce moment charnière, alors que nous nous préparons pour la conférence de Séville.

Maintenons nos ambitions à la hauteur des enjeux, et agissons pour les populations et pour la planète.

Et je vous remercie.

***
[All-English]

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of ECOSOC,

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

This year’s ECOSOC Forum comes at a pivotal time.

We are in the final stretch of preparations for the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development in Sevilla.

And we face some harsh truths. 

The harsh truth of donors pulling the plug on aid commitments and delivery at historic speed and scale.

The harsh truth of trade barriers being erected at a dizzying pace.

The harsh truth that the Sustainable Development Goals are dramatically off track, exacerbated by an annual financing gap of an estimated $4 trillion.

And the harsh truth of prohibitively high borrowing costs that are draining away public investments in everything from education and health systems, to social protection, infrastructure and the energy transition.

But there’s another, much larger — and more dangerous — truth underlying all these challenges:

The harsh truth that global collaboration is being actively questioned.

Look no further than trade wars. 

Trade — fair trade — is a prime example of the benefits of international cooperation.

And trade barriers are a clear and present danger to the global economy and sustainable development – as demonstrated in recent sharply lower forecasts by the International Monetary Fund, UNCTAD, the World Trade Organization and many others.

In a trade war, everybody loses — especially the most vulnerable countries and people, who are hit the hardest.

Excellencies,

Against this turbulent background, we cannot let our financing for development ambitions get swept away.

With just five years to reach the Sustainable Development Goals, we need to shift into overdrive.  

That includes making good on the commitments countries made in the Pact for the Future in September:

From an SDG stimulus to help countries invest in their people…

To vital and long-awaited reforms to the global financial architecture…

To the Pact’s clear commitments to open, fair and rules-based trade…

To its call for an analysis of the impact of military expenditures on the achievement of the SDGs, with a final report out by September…

To the Pact’s urging for an ambitious outcome to July’s Conference on Financing for Development.

As you continue negotiations on the draft outcome document for Sevilla, I push for action in three key areas.

First — on debt.

When applied smartly and fairly, debt can be an ally of development.

Instead, it has become a villain.

In many developing countries, gains are getting crushed under the weight of debt service, siphoning away investments in education, health and infrastructure.

And the problem is getting worse.

Debt service for developing economies has soared past $1.4 trillion a year.

Debt service now exceeds 10 per cent of government revenue in more than 50 developing countries — and more than 20 per cent in 17 countries — a clear warning sign of default.

The Sevilla Conference should emerge with a commitment by Member States to lower the cost of borrowing, improve debt restructuring, and prevent crises from taking hold.

This includes establishing a dedicated facility to help developing countries manage their liabilities and enhance liquidity in times of crisis.

The G20 must also continue its work to speed up the Common Framework for Debt Treatments and expand support for countries that are currently ineligible — including middle-income countries in difficulties.

And credit ratings agencies need to rethink ratings methodologies that drive up borrowing costs for developing countries.

At the same time, the IMF and World Bank should push forward on reforming debt assessments to account for sustainable development investments and climate risks.

These proposals and the many others contained in the draft outcome document provide an ambitious roadmap to help developing countries use debt in a constructive and sustainable way.

Second — we need to unlock the full potential of our international financial institutions.

If finance is the fuel of development, Multilateral Development Banks are its engine.

And this engine needs revving up. 

We will keep pushing to triple the lending capacity of Multilateral Development Banks, making them bigger and bolder, as called for in the draft outcome document.

This includes recapitalization, stretching their balance sheets and substantially increasing their capacity to mobilize private finance at reasonable costs for developing countries.

We must ensure that concessional finance is deployed where it is most needed.

And we need to see that developing countries are represented fairly — and have a voice — in the governance of these institutions they depend on.

And third — we need concrete action to increase all streams of finance.

Yes, these are tough times.

But it is in difficult periods that the imperative for responsible, sustainable investment is even more critical. 

At the country level, governments need to strengthen the mobilization of domestic resources and channel them towards critical systems like education, health and infrastructure…

To work with private sector partners to increase blended finance options…

And to scale-up the fight against corruption and illicit financial flows.

At the global level, we must keep working to shape an inclusive and effective global tax regime, and ensure that international taxation rules are applied fairly and effectively.

Donors must keep their promises on official development assistance, and ensure those precious resources reach developing countries.  

For our part, we will fully deploy our UN Country Teams to work with host governments to channel the maximum amount of resources towards sustainable development at the national and regional levels.
 
And we will use every opportunity — including COP30 in Brazil — to call on leaders to identify innovative sources of climate finance for developing countries leading to the mobilization of $1.3 trillion annually by 2035. 

All this requires a focus on innovative sources of finance.  

Excellencies,

In many ways, financing for development is integral to the future of the multilateral system.

It’s about our conviction in the power of global solutions to global problems like poverty, hunger and the climate crisis.

Let’s make the most of this critical moment as we prepare for Sevilla.

Let’s keep our ambitions high and deliver for people and planet.

And I thank you.

***
[All-French]

Monsieur le Président de l’Assemblée générale, Monsieur le Président de l’ECOSOC,

Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs,

Le Forum du Conseil économique et social de cette année tombe à un moment charnière.

Les préparatifs de la quatrième Conférence internationale sur le financement du développement, qui se tiendra à Séville, entrent dans leur dernière ligne droite.

Parallèlement, nous nous heurtons à de dures réalités :

Des donateurs qui reviennent sur leurs engagements et renoncent à verser l’aide promise à une vitesse et à une ampleur sans précédent ;

Des barrières commerciales qui sont érigées à un rythme effréné ;

Des objectifs de développement durable qui sont encore bien loin d’être atteints et qui pâtissent d’un déficit de financement annuel estimé à 4 000 milliards de dollars ;

Ou encore des coûts d’emprunt prohibitifs qui tarissent les investissements publics dans tous les domaines, de l’éducation et des systèmes de santé à la protection sociale, en passant par les infrastructures et la transition énergétique.

Mais il y a une autre réalité – bien plus importante et bien plus dangereuse – qui est à la base de tous ces problèmes.

Cette réalité, c’est la remise en question de la collaboration internationale.

Inutile de chercher un exemple bien loin : prenons les guerres commerciales.

Le commerce – un commerce équitable – illustre parfaitement les avantages de la coopération internationale.

Les barrières commerciales constituent un danger réel et immédiat pour l’économie mondiale et le développement durable – comme le montrent les récentes prévisions en forte baisse du Fonds monétaire international, de la CNUCED, de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce et de bien d’autres organismes.

L’Organisation mondiale du commerce prévoit déjà que le commerce international de marchandises se contractera de 0,2 % cette année – un revirement brutal par rapport à la hausse de 2,9 % enregistrée l’année dernière.

Dans une guerre commerciale, tout le monde est perdant, en particulier les pays et les populations les plus vulnérables, qui sont les plus durement touchés.

Excellences,

Dans ce contexte mouvementé, nous ne pouvons laisser s’envoler nos ambitions en matière de financement du développement.

Il ne reste que cinq ans pour atteindre les objectifs de développement durable ; il nous faut donc passer à la vitesse supérieure.

Il faut notamment honorer les engagements pris par les pays dans le cadre du Pacte pour l’avenir en septembre :

Du plan de relance des objectifs de développement durable, qui vise à aider les pays à investir dans leurs populations…

Aux réformes vitales et longuement attendues de l’architecture financière mondiale…

Aux engagements clairs pris dans le Pacte en faveur d’un commerce ouvert, équitable et régi par des règles…

À l’analyse qui y est préconisée de l’impact des dépenses militaires sur la réalisation des objectifs de développement durable, qui fera l’objet d’un rapport final publié d’ici à septembre…

Et au résultat ambitieux qui y est fixé pour la Conférence internationale sur le financement du développement de juillet.

Alors que les négociations sur le projet de document final de Séville se poursuivent, j’insiste pour que des mesures soient prises dans trois domaines clés.

Premièrement, la dette.

Lorsqu’elle est exploitée de manière intelligente et équitable, la dette peut être une alliée du développement.

Or, elle est devenue une ennemie.

Dans bon nombre de pays en développement, les acquis obtenus dans le domaine du développement croulent sous le poids du service de la dette, qui ponctionne les investissements dans l’éducation, la santé et les infrastructures.

Et le problème ne fait qu’empirer.

Le service de la dette des économies en développement s’est envolé à plus de 1 400 milliards de dollars par an.

Il dépasse aujourd’hui de 10 % les recettes publiques dans plus de 50 pays en développement – et plus de 20 % dans 17 pays – un signe évident de défaillance.

À l’issue de la conférence de Séville, les États Membres devraient s’engager à réduire le coût des emprunts, à mieux restructurer la dette et à empêcher les crises de perdurer.

Pour ce faire, il faudra notamment mettre en place un dispositif pour aider les pays en développement à gérer leurs dettes et à améliorer leur situation de trésorerie en temps de crise.

Le G20 doit également poursuivre ses travaux afin d’accélérer la mise en œuvre du Cadre commun pour le traitement de la dette et d’apporter un plus grand appui aux pays qui ne remplissent pas les conditions requises pour bénéficier de l’Initiative de suspension du service de la dette, notamment les pays à revenu intermédiaire.

En outre, les agences de notation doivent revoir leurs méthodes, qui font grimper les coûts d’emprunt pour les pays en développement.

Dans le même temps, le FMI et la Banque mondiale devraient faire avancer la réforme de l’évaluation de la dette de sorte que les investissements dans le développement durable et les risques climatiques soient pris en compte.

Ces propositions, comme les nombreuses autres propositions faites dans le projet de document final, constituent un plan d’action ambitieux devant aider les pays en développement à utiliser la dette de manière constructive et durable.

Deuxièmement, nos institutions financières internationales doivent pouvoir exploiter tout leur potentiel.

Si le financement est le carburant du développement, les banques multilatérales de développement en sont le moteur.

Et ce moteur doit être rendu plus performant.

Nous continuerons à faire pression pour tripler la capacité de prêt des banques multilatérales de développement, en les agrandissant et en les rendant plus audacieuses, comme le prévoit le projet de document final.

Il s’agit notamment d’augmenter leur capital, d’étendre leurs bilans et d’accroître considérablement leur capacité à mobiliser des financements privés à des coûts raisonnables pour les pays en développement.

Il faudra également veiller à ce que des financements à des conditions favorables soient accordés là où ils sont le plus nécessaires.

Et il faudra que les pays en développement soient représentés équitablement – et aient voix au chapitre – dans la gouvernance de ces institutions, dont ils dépendent.

Troisièmement, nous devons prendre des mesures concrètes pour augmenter tous les flux de financement.

Oui, les temps sont durs.

Mais c’est d’autant plus dans les périodes difficiles qu’un investissement responsable et durable s’impose.

Au niveau national, les gouvernements doivent mobiliser davantage de ressources internes et les diriger vers des systèmes essentiels tels que l’éducation, la santé et les infrastructures…

Ils doivent collaborer avec des partenaires privés pour multiplier les options de financement mixte…

Et intensifier la lutte contre la corruption et les flux financiers illicites.

Au niveau mondial, nous devons poursuivre nos efforts en vue d’établir un régime fiscal mondial inclusif et efficace, et veiller à ce que les règles fiscales internationales soient effectivement et équitablement appliquées.
Les donateurs doivent tenir leurs promesses en matière d’aide publique au développement et s’assurer que ces précieuses ressources parviennent aux pays en développement.

Pour notre part, nous donnerons aux équipes de pays des Nations Unies tous les moyens pour collaborer avec les gouvernements hôtes, afin qu’un maximum de ressources soit affecté au développement durable aux niveaux national et régional.

Et nous saisirons toutes les occasions, y compris la COP30 au Brésil, pour demander aux dirigeants de trouver des sources innovantes de financement de l’action climatique dans les pays en développement – afin de mobiliser 1 300 milliards de dollars par an d’ici à 2035.

Tout cela exige des efforts particuliers en terme de sources innovantes de financement.

Excellences,

À bien des égards, l’avenir du système multilatéral dépend du financement du développement.

Il en va de notre conviction que le règlement des problèmes mondiaux – tels que la pauvreté, la faim et la crise climatique – demande des solutions mondiales.

Tirons le meilleur parti de ce moment charnière, alors que nous nous préparons pour la conférence de Séville.

Maintenons nos ambitions à la hauteur des enjeux, et agissons pour les populations et pour la planète.

Et je vous remercie.
 

Source: United Nations – English

onsieur le Président, Excellences,

Je remercie la présidence française d’organiser cette réunion au niveau ministériel sur le Moyen-Orient, y compris la question palestinienne.

La région traverse des bouleversements fondamentaux, marqués par la violence et la volatilité, mais également porteurs d’opportunités et de potentiel.

Au Liban, le cessez-le-feu et l’intégrité territoriale doivent être respectés et tous les engagements doivent être mis en œuvre.

En Syrie, nous devons poursuivre nos efforts pour accompagner le pays sur la voie d’une transition politique inclusive de toutes les composantes de la population syrienne – une transition qui garantisse la reddition de comptes, favorise la réconciliation nationale, et jette les bases du redressement à long terme de la Syrie ainsi que de son intégration future au sein de la communauté internationale. 

Cela inclut la situation dans le Golan syrien occupé, qui demeure précaire en raison de violations majeures de l’Accord de désengagement des forces de 1974 – notamment la présence continue des Forces de défense israéliennes dans la zone de séparation, ainsi que leurs multiples frappes contre des sites au-delà de la ligne de cessez-le-feu.

À travers le Moyen-Orient, les populations réclament et méritent un avenir meilleur – et non des conflits et des souffrances sans fin.

Nous devons agir ensemble pour faire en sorte que cette période de turbulences et de transition réponde à ces aspirations – et qu’elle apporte justice, dignité, droits, sécurité, et une paix durable.

Cela commence par la reconnaissance de deux faits fondamentaux : 

Premièrement, la région se trouve à un moment charnière de son histoire. 

Et, deuxièmement, que toute paix vraiment durable au Moyen-Orient dépend d’une question centrale.

Un élément essentiel que ce Conseil de sécurité a affirmé et réaffirmé, année après année, décennie après décennie : une solution à deux États, Israël et la Palestine, vivant côte-à-côte dans la paix et la sécurité, avec Jérusalem comme capitale des deux États.

Mr. President,

Today, the promise of a two-State solution is at risk of dwindling to the point of disappearance. 

The political commitment to this long-standing goal is farther than it has ever been.

As a result, the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians to live and peace and security have been undermined – and the legitimate national aspirations of the Palestinians have been denied – while they endure Israel’s continued presence that the International Court of Justice has found unlawful. 

And since the horrific 7 October terror attacks by Hamas, it has gotten worse on every front.

First, the unrelenting conflict and devastation in Gaza – including the utterly inhumane conditions of life imposed on its people who are repeatedly coming under attack, confined to smaller and smaller spaces, and deprived of lifesaving relief. 

In line with international law, the Security Council has rejected any attempt at demographic or territorial change in the Gaza Strip, including any actions that reduce its territory. 

Gaza is — and must remain — an integral part of a future Palestinian state.

Second, in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, Israeli military operations and the use of heavy weaponry in residential areas, forcible displacement, demolitions, movement restrictions, and settlement expansion are dramatically altering demographic and geographic realities. 

Palestinians are being contained and coerced.  Contained in areas that are subject to increasing military operations and where the Palestinian Authority is under growing pressure – and coerced out of areas where settlements are expanding. 

Third, settler violence continues at alarmingly high levels in a climate of impunity, with entire Palestinian communities facing repeated assaults and destruction, sometimes abetted by Israeli soldiers.

Palestinian attacks against Israelis in both Israel and the occupied West Bank also continue.

Mr. President,

The world cannot afford to watch the two-State solution disappear. 

Political leaders face clear choices — the choice to be silent, the choice to acquiesce, or the choice to act.

Mr. President,

In Gaza, there is no end in sight to the killing and misery.

The ceasefire had brought a glimmer of hope – the long-sought release of hostages and delivery of lifesaving humanitarian relief.

But those embers of opportunity were cruelly extinguished with the shattering of the ceasefire on 18 March. 

Since then, almost 2,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza by Israeli strikes and military operations – including women, children, journalists, and humanitarians.

Hamas also continues to fire rockets towards Israel indiscriminately – while the hostages continue to be held in appalling conditions. 

The humanitarian situation throughout the Gaza Strip has gone from bad … to worse … to beyond imagination.   

For nearly two full months, Israel has blocked food, fuel, medicine and commercial supplies, depriving more than two million people of lifesaving relief. 

All while the world watches.

I am alarmed by statements by Israeli government officials about the use of humanitarian aid as a tool for military pressure.

Aid is non-negotiable. 

Israel must protect civilians and must agree to relief schemes and facilitate them.

I salute the women and men of the United Nations and all other humanitarian workers – especially our Palestinian colleagues — who continue to work under fire and in incomprehensibly difficult conditions.

And I mourn all of the women and men of the United Nations who were killed – including some with their families.

The entry of assistance must be restored immediately — the safety of UN personnel and humanitarian partners must be guaranteed – and UN agencies must be allowed to work in full respect of humanitarian principles:  humanity, impartiality, neutrality and independence.

There must be no hindrance in humanitarian aid – including through the vital work of UNRWA.

We need the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

And we need a permanent ceasefire.

It’s time to stop the repeated displacement of the Gaza population – along with any question of forced displacement outside of Gaza.

And the trampling of international law must end.

I call on Member States to use their leverage to ensure that international law is respected and impunity does not prevail.

This includes for the 19 March incident for which Israel has now acknowledged responsibility in firing on a UN guesthouse, killing one colleague and injuring six others … the 23 March killing of paramedics and other rescue workers in Rafah … as well as many other cases.

There must be accountability across the board.

Mr. President,

Advisory proceedings are ongoing at the International Court of Justice on the obligations of Israel, as an occupying Power and a Member of the United Nations, in relation to the presence and activities of the United Nations in and in relation to the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

In February, the United Nations Legal Counsel submitted a written statement to the Court – and yesterday, she made an oral statement before the Court – both of which on my behalf.

The statement to the Court includes points that I have made on a number of occasions.

Specifically, that all parties to conflict must comply with all their obligations under international law, including international human rights law and international humanitarian law.

That Israel, as an occupying Power, is under an obligation to ensure food and medical supplies of the population.

That Israel has an obligation to agree to and facilitate relief schemes in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

That humanitarian, medical and United Nations personnel must be respected and protected.

And I emphasize the obligation under international law to respect the privileges and immunities of the United Nations and its personnel, including the absolute inviolability of United Nations premises, property and assets – and the immunity from legal process of the United Nations. 

Such immunity applies to all UN entities in the Occupied Palestinian Territory – including UNRWA – a subsidiary organ of the General Assembly.
I call on Member States to fully support all of these efforts. 

Mr. President,

In this period of turmoil and transition for the region, Member States must spell out how they will realize the commitment and promise of a two-State solution.

This is not a time for ritualistically expressing support, ticking a box, and moving on.

We are past the stage of ticking boxes – the clock is ticking.

The two-State solution is near a point of no return. 

The international community has a responsibility to prevent perpetual occupation and violence.

My call to Member States is clear and urgent:

Take irreversible action towards implementing a two-State solution.

Do not let extremists on any side undermine what remains of the peace process.

The High-Level Conference in June, co-chaired by France and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, is an important opportunity to revitalize international support.

I encourage Member States to go beyond affirmations, and to think creatively about the concrete steps they will take to support a viable two-State solution before it is too late.

At the same time, the Palestinian Authority needs stepped-up and sustained support – politically and financially.  This is crucial to ensure the continued viability of Palestinian institutions, consolidate ongoing reforms, and enable the PA to resume its full responsibilities in Gaza.

Mr. President,

At this hinge point of history for the people of the Middle East – and on this issue on which so much hinges – leaders must stand and deliver. 

Show the political courage and exercise the political will to make good on this central question for peace for Palestinians, Israelis, the region and humanity.

Thank you.

***
[all-English]

Mr. President, Excellencies,

I thank the French presidency for convening this ministerial-level meeting on the Middle East, including the Palestinian question.

The region is undergoing fundamental shifts, marked by violence and volatility but also opportunity and potential.

In Lebanon, the ceasefire and territorial integrity must be respected and all commitments implemented.

In Syria, we must keep working to support the country’s path towards a political transition that is inclusive of all segments of the Syrian population – one that ensures accountability, fosters national healing, and lays the foundation for Syria’s long-term recovery and further integration into the international community. 

This includes the situation in the occupied Syrian Golan — which remains precarious with significant violations of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement, with the continued presence of the Israel Defense Forces into the area of separation and their several strikes targeting locations across the ceasefire line.

Across the Middle East, people demand and deserve a better future, not endless conflict and suffering.

We must collectively work to ensure that this turbulent and transitional period meets those aspirations — and delivers justice, dignity, rights, security and lasting peace.

It starts by recognizing two fundamental facts: 

First, that the region is at a hinge-point in history. 

And, second, that truly sustainable Middle East peace hinges on one central question.

On a core issue that this Security Council has affirmed and re-affirmed decade after decade, year after year:  a two-state solution, Israel and Palestine, living side-by-side in peace and security, with Jerusalem as the capital of both states.

Mr. President,

Today, the promise of a two-State solution is at risk of dwindling to the point of disappearance. 

The political commitment to this long-standing goal is farther than it has ever been.

As a result, the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians to live and peace and security have been undermined – and the legitimate national aspirations of the Palestinians have been denied – while they endure Israel’s continued presence that the International Court of Justice has found unlawful. 

And since the horrific 7 October terror attacks by Hamas, it has gotten worse on every front.

First, the unrelenting conflict and devastation in Gaza – including the utterly inhumane conditions of life imposed on its people who are repeatedly coming under attack, confined to smaller and smaller spaces, and deprived of lifesaving relief. 

In line with international law, the Security Council has rejected any attempt at demographic or territorial change in the Gaza Strip, including any actions that reduce its territory. 

Gaza is — and must remain — an integral part of a future Palestinian state.

Second, in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, Israeli military operations and the use of heavy weaponry in residential areas, forcible displacement, demolitions, movement restrictions, and settlement expansion are dramatically altering demographic and geographic realities. 

Palestinians are being contained and coerced.  Contained in areas that are subject to increasing military operations and where the Palestinian Authority is under growing pressure – and coerced out of areas where settlements are expanding. 

Third, settler violence continues at alarmingly high levels in a climate of impunity, with entire Palestinian communities facing repeated assaults and destruction, sometimes abetted by Israeli soldiers.

Palestinian attacks against Israelis in both Israel and the occupied West Bank also continue.

Mr. President,

The world cannot afford to watch the two-State solution disappear. 

Political leaders face clear choices — the choice to be silent, the choice to acquiesce, or the choice to act.

Mr. President,

In Gaza, there is no end in sight to the killing and misery.

The ceasefire had brought a glimmer of hope – the long-sought release of hostages and delivery of lifesaving humanitarian relief.

But those embers of opportunity were cruelly extinguished with the shattering of the ceasefire on 18 March. 

Since then, almost 2,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza by Israeli strikes and military operations – including women, children, journalists, and humanitarians.

Hamas also continues to fire rockets towards Israel indiscriminately – while the hostages continue to be held in appalling conditions. 

The humanitarian situation throughout the Gaza Strip has gone from bad … to worse … to beyond imagination.   

For nearly two full months, Israel has blocked food, fuel, medicine and commercial supplies, depriving more than two million people of lifesaving relief. 

All while the world watches.

I am alarmed by statements by Israeli government officials about the use of humanitarian aid as a tool for military pressure.

Aid is non-negotiable. 

Israel must protect civilians and must agree to relief schemes and facilitate them.

I salute the women and men of the United Nations and all other humanitarian workers – especially our Palestinian colleagues — who continue to work under fire and in incomprehensibly difficult conditions.

And I mourn all of the women and men of the United Nations who were killed – including some with their families.

The entry of assistance must be restored immediately — the safety of UN personnel and humanitarian partners must be guaranteed – and UN agencies must be allowed to work in full respect of humanitarian principles:  humanity, impartiality, neutrality and independence.

There must be no hindrance in humanitarian aid – including through the vital work of UNRWA.

We need the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

And we need a permanent ceasefire.

It’s time to stop the repeated displacement of the Gaza population – along with any question of forced displacement outside of Gaza.

And the trampling of international law must end.

I call on Member States to use their leverage to ensure that international law is respected and impunity does not prevail.

This includes for the 19 March incident for which Israel has now acknowledged responsibility in firing on a UN guesthouse, killing one colleague and injuring six others … the 23 March killing of paramedics and other rescue workers in Rafah … as well as many other cases.

There must be accountability across the board.

Mr. President,

Advisory proceedings are ongoing at the International Court of Justice on the obligations of Israel, as an occupying Power and a Member of the United Nations, in relation to the presence and activities of the United Nations in and in relation to the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

In February, the United Nations Legal Counsel submitted a written statement to the Court – and yesterday, she made an oral statement before the Court – both of which on my behalf.

The statement to the Court includes points that I have made on a number of occasions.

Specifically, that all parties to conflict must comply with all their obligations under international law, including international human rights law and international humanitarian law.

That Israel, as an occupying Power, is under an obligation to ensure food and medical supplies of the population.

That Israel has an obligation to agree to and facilitate relief schemes in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

That humanitarian, medical and United Nations personnel must be respected and protected.

And I emphasize the obligation under international law to respect the privileges and immunities of the United Nations and its personnel, including the absolute inviolability of United Nations premises, property and assets – and the immunity from legal process of the United Nations. 

Such immunity applies to all UN entities in the Occupied Palestinian Territory – including UNRWA – a subsidiary organ of the General Assembly.

I call on Member States to fully support all of these efforts. 

Mr. President,

In this period of turmoil and transition for the region, Member States must spell out how they will realize the commitment and promise of a two-State solution.

This is not a time for ritualistically expressing support, ticking a box, and moving on.

We are past the stage of ticking boxes – the clock is ticking.

The two-State solution is near a point of no return. 

The international community has a responsibility to prevent perpetual occupation and violence.

My call to Member States is clear and urgent:

Take irreversible action towards implementing a two-State solution.

Do not let extremists on any side undermine what remains of the peace process.

The High-Level Conference in June, co-chaired by France and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, is an important opportunity to revitalize international support.

I encourage Member States to go beyond affirmations, and to think creatively about the concrete steps they will take to support a viable two-State solution before it is too late.

At the same time, the Palestinian Authority needs stepped-up and sustained support – politically and financially.  This is crucial to ensure the continued viability of Palestinian institutions, consolidate ongoing reforms, and enable the PA to resume its full responsibilities in Gaza.

Mr. President,

At this hinge point of history for the people of the Middle East – and on this issue on which so much hinges – leaders must stand and deliver. 

Show the political courage and exercise the political will to make good on this central question for peace for Palestinians, Israelis, the region and humanity.

Thank you.

***
[all-French]

Monsieur le Président, Excellences,

Je remercie la présidence française d’organiser cette réunion au niveau ministériel sur le Moyen-Orient, y compris la question palestinienne.

La région traverse des bouleversements fondamentaux, marqués par la violence et la volatilité, mais également porteurs d’opportunités et de potentiel.

Au Liban, le cessez-le-feu et l’intégrité territoriale doivent être respectés et tous les engagements doivent être mis en œuvre.

En Syrie, nous devons poursuivre nos efforts pour accompagner le pays sur la voie d’une transition politique inclusive de toutes les composantes de la population syrienne – une transition qui garantisse la reddition de comptes, favorise la réconciliation nationale, et jette les bases du redressement à long terme de la Syrie ainsi que de son intégration future au sein de la communauté internationale. 

Cela inclut la situation dans le Golan syrien occupé, qui demeure précaire en raison de violations majeures de l’Accord de désengagement des forces de 1974 – notamment la présence continue des Forces de défense israéliennes dans la zone de séparation, ainsi que leurs multiples frappes contre des sites au-delà de la ligne de cessez-le-feu.

À travers le Moyen-Orient, les populations réclament et méritent un avenir meilleur – et non des conflits et des souffrances sans fin.

Nous devons agir ensemble pour faire en sorte que cette période de turbulences et de transition réponde à ces aspirations – et qu’elle apporte justice, dignité, droits, sécurité, et une paix durable.

Cela commence par la reconnaissance de deux faits fondamentaux : 

Premièrement, la région se trouve à un moment charnière de son histoire. 
Et, deuxièmement, que toute paix vraiment durable au Moyen-Orient dépend d’une question centrale.

Un élément essentiel que ce Conseil de sécurité a affirmé et réaffirmé, année après année, décennie après décennie : une solution à deux États, Israël et la Palestine, vivant côte-à-côte dans la paix et la sécurité, avec Jérusalem comme capitale des deux États.

Monsieur le Président,

Aujourd’hui, la promesse de la solution des deux États court le risque de s’effilocher au point de disparaître.

L’engagement politique en faveur de cet objectif de longue date n’a jamais été aussi ténu.

De ce fait, les droits des Israéliens et des Palestiniens de vivre en paix et sécurité ont été mis à mal – et les aspirations nationales légitimes des Palestiniens ont été niées – alors qu’ils continuent de subir une présence israélienne que la Cour internationale de justice a jugée illicite.

Depuis les effroyables attaques terroristes perpétrées par le Hamas le 7 octobre, la situation s’est aggravée sur tous les fronts.

Premièrement, avec le conflit incessant et la dévastation que subit la bande de Gaza : les conditions de vie sont absolument inhumaines, les habitants sont la cible d’attaques à répétition et sont confinés dans des espaces de plus en plus réduits et privés d’une aide vitale.

S’appuyant sur le droit international, le Conseil de sécurité a rejeté toute tentative de changement démographique ou territorial dans la bande de Gaza, y compris tout acte visant à réduire le territoire.

Gaza fait partie intégrante d’un futur État palestinien et doit le rester.

Deuxièmement, en Cisjordanie occupée, y compris Jérusalem-Est, les opérations militaires israéliennes et l’emploi d’armes lourdes dans des zones résidentielles, les déplacements forcés, les démolitions, les restrictions de circulation et l’expansion des colonies transforment radicalement les réalités démographiques et géographiques.

Les Palestiniens sont cantonnés dans certains endroits et contraints d’en quitter d’autres. Ils sont cantonnés dans des zones où les opérations militaires se multiplient et où l’Autorité palestinienne est soumise à des pressions croissantes, et contraints de quitter les zones où les colons étendent leur emprise.

Troisièmement, la violence exercée par les colons se poursuit dans un climat d’impunité, parfois avec la complicité de soldats israéliens, et atteint des niveaux alarmants : des communautés palestiniennes tout entières sont agressées et victimes de destructions à répétition.

Les attaques menées par des Palestiniens contre des Israéliens en Israël et en Cisjordanie occupée se poursuivent également.

Monsieur le Président,

Le monde ne peut pas se permettre de voir la solution des deux États s’évanouir.

Les dirigeants politiques ont le choix : se taire, acquiescer ou agir.

Monsieur le Président,

À Gaza, rien ne laisse entrevoir la fin de la tuerie et des souffrances.

Le cessez-le-feu avait apporté une lueur d’espoir : la libération des otages, tant attendue, et l’acheminement d’une aide humanitaire vitale.
Hélas, cette lueur d’espoir s’est éteinte avec la rupture du cessez-le-feu le 18 mars.

Depuis, les frappes et les opérations militaires israéliennes ont fait près de 2000 morts parmi les Palestiniens dans la bande de Gaza, y compris des femmes, des enfants, des journalistes et du personnel humanitaire.

Le Hamas continue également de tirer des roquettes sur Israël sans discernement – tandis que les otages sont toujours détenus dans des conditions épouvantables.

Déjà mauvaise, la situation humanitaire dans la bande de Gaza n’a fait qu’empirer et dépasse aujourd’hui l’entendement.

Depuis près de deux mois, Israël bloque les livraisons de nourriture, de carburant, de médicaments et de marchandises, privant ainsi plus de deux millions de personnes d’une aide vitale.

Et ce, au vu et au su du monde entier.

Je suis alarmé par les déclarations de représentants d’Israël concernant l’utilisation de l’aide humanitaire comme moyen de pression militaire.

L’aide humanitaire n’est pas négociable.

Israël est tenu de protéger les civils ; il doit accepter les programmes d’aide et en faciliter l’exécution.

Je rends hommage au personnel des Nations Unies, femmes et hommes, ainsi qu’à tous les autres agents humanitaires, en particulier à nos collègues palestiniens, qui continuent à travailler malgré les frappes et dans des conditions inouïes.

Et je pleure toutes les femmes et tous les hommes des Nations Unies qui ont été tués – y compris certains avec leurs familles.

L’acheminement de l’aide doit être rétabli immédiatement, la sécurité du personnel des Nations Unies et des partenaires humanitaires doit être garantie et les entités des Nations Unies doivent pouvoir travailler dans le plein respect des principes humanitaires : humanité, impartialité, neutralité et indépendance.

Il ne doit y avoir aucune entrave à l’aide humanitaire, notamment au travail vital que fait l’UNRWA.

Il faut que tous les otages soient libérés immédiatement et sans conditions.

Et il faut un cessez-le-feu permanent.

Il est temps de mettre un terme aux déplacements répétés de la population de Gaza, ainsi qu’à la question des déplacements forcés en dehors de Gaza.

Et il faut cesser de bafouer le droit international.

J’engage tous les États Membres à user de leur influence pour que le droit international soit respecté et que l’impunité ne l’emporte pas.

Je veux parler notamment de la frappe du 19 mars contre une résidence des Nations Unies, qui a fait un mort et six blessés parmi nos collègues et pour laquelle Israël a désormais reconnu sa responsabilité … de l’attaque du 23 mars, dans laquelle du personnel paramédical et d’autres secouristes ont trouvé la mort à Rafah … et de bien d’autres encore.

Aucun acte ne saurait rester impuni.

Monsieur le Président,

Une procédure consultative a été engagée à la Cour internationale de Justice sur les obligations d’Israël, Puissance occupante et membre de l’ONU, en ce qui concerne la présence et les activités des entités des Nations Unies dans le Territoire palestinien occupé et en lien avec celui-ci.

En février, la Conseillère juridique de l’ONU a soumis en mon nom une déclaration écrite à la Cour, et hier, elle a fait une déclaration orale devant la Cour, également en mon nom.

Cette déclaration reprend des points que j’ai soulevés à plusieurs reprises.

En particulier, le fait que toutes les parties au conflit sont tenues de s’acquitter des obligations que leur impose le droit international, y compris le droit international humanitaire et le droit international des droits humains.

Qu’Israël, Puissance occupante, est tenu d’assurer l’approvisionnement de la population en produits alimentaires et fournitures médicales.

Qu’il est tenu d’accepter les programmes d’aide et d’en faciliter l’exécution dans le Territoire palestinien occupé.

Que le personnel humanitaire et médical, ainsi que le personnel des Nations Unies, doit être respecté et protégé.

Je tiens à insister sur l’obligation faite en droit international de respecter les privilèges et immunités des Nations Unies et de leur personnel, y compris l’inviolabilité absolue des locaux, des biens et des avoirs des Nations Unies, ainsi que l’immunité de juridiction des Nations Unies.

Cette immunité s’applique à toutes les entités des Nations Unies dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris l’UNRWA, organe subsidiaire de l’Assemblée générale.

J’engage les États Membres à soutenir tous ces efforts.

Monsieur le Président,

En cette période de tourmente et de transition pour la région, les États Membres doivent énoncer clairement comment ils concrétiseront l’engagement qu’ils ont pris et la promesse qu’ils ont faite quant à la solution des deux États.

Ce n’est pas le moment d’exprimer rituellement son soutien, de cocher une case et de passer à autre chose.

Nous avons dépassé le stade des cases à cocher : le temps presse.

Pour la solution des deux États, le glas a presque sonné.

La communauté internationale a la responsabilité d’empêcher l’occupation et la violence perpétuelles.

L’appel que je leur lance est urgent et sans équivoque :

Prenez des mesures irréversibles pour concrétiser la solution des deux États.

Ne laissez pas les extrémistes de tout bord saper ce qu’il reste du processus de paix.

La Conférence de haut niveau qui se tiendra en juin, co-présidée par la France et le Royaume d’Arabie saoudite, est une véritable occasion de revitaliser le soutien international.

J’encourage les États membres à aller au-delà des affirmations et à réfléchir de manière créative aux mesures concrètes qu’ils prendront pour soutenir une solution viable à deux États avant qu’il ne soit trop tard.

J’encourage les États Membres à traduire les paroles en actes et à réfléchir de manière créative pour déterminer les mesures concrètes qu’ils prendront pour soutenir une solution viable de deux États – avant qu’il ne soit trop tard.

Parallèlement, l’Autorité palestinienne a besoin d’un soutien accru et durable, tant sur le plan politique que financièrement parlant. C’est une condition essentielle pour garantir la viabilité des institutions palestiniennes, asseoir les réformes engagées et permettre à l’Autorité palestinienne d’exercer de nouveau toutes ses responsabilités dans la bande de Gaza.

Monsieur le Président,

À ce moment charnière de l’histoire pour les peuples du Moyen-Orient – et vis-à-vis de cette question dont dépendent tant de choses – les dirigeants doivent concrétiser leur promesse.

Faites preuve de courage et de volonté politiques, tenez vos engagements vis-à-vis de cette question centrale pour la paix : pour les Palestiniens, les Israéliens, la région et l’humanité tout entière.

Je vous remercie.

Source: United Nations – English

r. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of ECOSOC,

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

This year’s ECOSOC Forum comes at a pivotal time.

We are in the final stretch of preparations for the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development in Sevilla.

And we face some harsh truths. 

The harsh truth of donors pulling the plug on aid commitments and delivery at historic speed and scale.

The harsh truth of trade barriers being erected at a dizzying pace.

The harsh truth that the Sustainable Development Goals are dramatically off track, exacerbated by an annual financing gap of an estimated $4 trillion.

And the harsh truth of prohibitively high borrowing costs that are draining away public investments in everything from education and health systems, to social protection, infrastructure and the energy transition.

But there’s another, much larger — and more dangerous — truth underlying all these challenges:  
The harsh truth that global collaboration is being actively questioned.

Look no further than trade wars. 

Trade — fair trade — is a prime example of the benefits of international cooperation.

And trade barriers are a clear and present danger to the global economy and sustainable development – as demonstrated in recent sharply lower forecasts by the International Monetary Fund, UNCTAD, the World Trade Organization and many others.

In a trade war, everybody loses — especially the most vulnerable countries and people, who are hit the hardest.

Excellencies,

Against this turbulent background, we cannot let our financing for development ambitions get swept away.

With just five years to reach the Sustainable Development Goals, we need to shift into overdrive.  

That includes making good on the commitments countries made in the Pact for the Future in September:

From an SDG stimulus to help countries invest in their people…

To vital and long-awaited reforms to the global financial architecture…

To the Pact’s clear commitments to open, fair and rules-based trade…

To its call for an analysis of the impact of military expenditures on the achievement of the SDGs, with a final report out by September…

To the Pact’s urging for an ambitious outcome to July’s Conference on Financing for Development.

As you continue negotiations on the draft outcome document for Sevilla, I push for action in three key areas.

First — on debt.

When applied smartly and fairly, debt can be an ally of development.

Instead, it has become a villain.

In many developing countries, gains are getting crushed under the weight of debt service, siphoning away investments in education, health and infrastructure.

And the problem is getting worse.

Debt service for developing economies has soared past $1.4 trillion a year.

Debt service now exceeds 10 per cent of government revenue in more than 50 developing countries — and more than 20 per cent in 17 countries — a clear warning sign of default.

The Sevilla Conference should emerge with a commitment by Member States to lower the cost of borrowing, improve debt restructuring, and prevent crises from taking hold.

This includes establishing a dedicated facility to help developing countries manage their liabilities and enhance liquidity in times of crisis.

The G20 must also continue its work to speed up the Common Framework for Debt Treatments and expand support for countries that are currently ineligible — including middle-income countries in difficulties.

And credit ratings agencies need to rethink ratings methodologies that drive up borrowing costs for developing countries.

At the same time, the IMF and World Bank should push forward on reforming debt assessments to account for sustainable development investments and climate risks.

These proposals and the many others contained in the draft outcome document provide an ambitious roadmap to help developing countries use debt in a constructive and sustainable way.

Second — we need to unlock the full potential of our international financial institutions.

If finance is the fuel of development, Multilateral Development Banks are its engine.

And this engine needs revving up. 

We will keep pushing to triple the lending capacity of Multilateral Development Banks, making them bigger and bolder, as called for in the draft outcome document.

This includes recapitalization, stretching their balance sheets and substantially increasing their capacity to mobilize private finance at reasonable costs for developing countries.

We must ensure that concessional finance is deployed where it is most needed.

And we need to see that developing countries are represented fairly — and have a voice — in the governance of these institutions they depend on.

Troisièmement, nous devons prendre des mesures concrètes pour augmenter tous les flux de financement.

Oui, les temps sont durs.

Mais c’est d’autant plus dans les périodes difficiles qu’un investissement responsable et durable s’impose.

Au niveau national, les gouvernements doivent mobiliser davantage de ressources internes et les diriger vers des systèmes essentiels tels que l’éducation, la santé et les infrastructures…

Ils doivent collaborer avec des partenaires privés pour multiplier les options de financement mixte…

Et intensifier la lutte contre la corruption et les flux financiers illicites.

Au niveau mondial, nous devons poursuivre nos efforts en vue d’établir un régime fiscal mondial inclusif et efficace, et veiller à ce que les règles fiscales internationales soient effectivement et équitablement appliquées.

Les donateurs doivent tenir leurs promesses en matière d’aide publique au développement et s’assurer que ces précieuses ressources parviennent aux pays en développement.

Pour notre part, nous donnerons aux équipes de pays des Nations Unies tous les moyens pour collaborer avec les gouvernements hôtes, afin qu’un maximum de ressources soit affecté au développement durable aux niveaux national et régional.

Et nous saisirons toutes les occasions, y compris la COP30 au Brésil, pour demander aux dirigeants de trouver des sources innovantes de financement de l’action climatique dans les pays en développement – afin de mobiliser 1 300 milliards de dollars par an d’ici à 2035.

Tout cela exige des efforts particuliers en terme de sources innovantes de financement.

Excellences,

À bien des égards, l’avenir du système multilatéral dépend du financement du développement.

Il en va de notre conviction que le règlement des problèmes mondiaux – tels que la pauvreté, la faim et la crise climatique – demande des solutions mondiales.

Tirons le meilleur parti de ce moment charnière, alors que nous nous préparons pour la conférence de Séville.

Maintenons nos ambitions à la hauteur des enjeux, et agissons pour les populations et pour la planète.

Et je vous remercie.

***
[All-English]

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of ECOSOC,

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

This year’s ECOSOC Forum comes at a pivotal time.

We are in the final stretch of preparations for the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development in Sevilla.

And we face some harsh truths. 

The harsh truth of donors pulling the plug on aid commitments and delivery at historic speed and scale.

The harsh truth of trade barriers being erected at a dizzying pace.

The harsh truth that the Sustainable Development Goals are dramatically off track, exacerbated by an annual financing gap of an estimated $4 trillion.

And the harsh truth of prohibitively high borrowing costs that are draining away public investments in everything from education and health systems, to social protection, infrastructure and the energy transition.

But there’s another, much larger — and more dangerous — truth underlying all these challenges:

The harsh truth that global collaboration is being actively questioned.

Look no further than trade wars. 

Trade — fair trade — is a prime example of the benefits of international cooperation.

And trade barriers are a clear and present danger to the global economy and sustainable development – as demonstrated in recent sharply lower forecasts by the International Monetary Fund, UNCTAD, the World Trade Organization and many others.

In a trade war, everybody loses — especially the most vulnerable countries and people, who are hit the hardest.

Excellencies,

Against this turbulent background, we cannot let our financing for development ambitions get swept away.

With just five years to reach the Sustainable Development Goals, we need to shift into overdrive.  

That includes making good on the commitments countries made in the Pact for the Future in September:

From an SDG stimulus to help countries invest in their people…

To vital and long-awaited reforms to the global financial architecture…

To the Pact’s clear commitments to open, fair and rules-based trade…

To its call for an analysis of the impact of military expenditures on the achievement of the SDGs, with a final report out by September…

To the Pact’s urging for an ambitious outcome to July’s Conference on Financing for Development.

As you continue negotiations on the draft outcome document for Sevilla, I push for action in three key areas.

First — on debt.

When applied smartly and fairly, debt can be an ally of development.

Instead, it has become a villain.

In many developing countries, gains are getting crushed under the weight of debt service, siphoning away investments in education, health and infrastructure.

And the problem is getting worse.

Debt service for developing economies has soared past $1.4 trillion a year.

Debt service now exceeds 10 per cent of government revenue in more than 50 developing countries — and more than 20 per cent in 17 countries — a clear warning sign of default.

The Sevilla Conference should emerge with a commitment by Member States to lower the cost of borrowing, improve debt restructuring, and prevent crises from taking hold.

This includes establishing a dedicated facility to help developing countries manage their liabilities and enhance liquidity in times of crisis.

The G20 must also continue its work to speed up the Common Framework for Debt Treatments and expand support for countries that are currently ineligible — including middle-income countries in difficulties.

And credit ratings agencies need to rethink ratings methodologies that drive up borrowing costs for developing countries.

At the same time, the IMF and World Bank should push forward on reforming debt assessments to account for sustainable development investments and climate risks.

These proposals and the many others contained in the draft outcome document provide an ambitious roadmap to help developing countries use debt in a constructive and sustainable way.

Second — we need to unlock the full potential of our international financial institutions.

If finance is the fuel of development, Multilateral Development Banks are its engine.

And this engine needs revving up. 

We will keep pushing to triple the lending capacity of Multilateral Development Banks, making them bigger and bolder, as called for in the draft outcome document.

This includes recapitalization, stretching their balance sheets and substantially increasing their capacity to mobilize private finance at reasonable costs for developing countries.

We must ensure that concessional finance is deployed where it is most needed.

And we need to see that developing countries are represented fairly — and have a voice — in the governance of these institutions they depend on.

And third — we need concrete action to increase all streams of finance.

Yes, these are tough times.

But it is in difficult periods that the imperative for responsible, sustainable investment is even more critical. 

At the country level, governments need to strengthen the mobilization of domestic resources and channel them towards critical systems like education, health and infrastructure…

To work with private sector partners to increase blended finance options…

And to scale-up the fight against corruption and illicit financial flows.

At the global level, we must keep working to shape an inclusive and effective global tax regime, and ensure that international taxation rules are applied fairly and effectively.

Donors must keep their promises on official development assistance, and ensure those precious resources reach developing countries.  

For our part, we will fully deploy our UN Country Teams to work with host governments to channel the maximum amount of resources towards sustainable development at the national and regional levels.
 
And we will use every opportunity — including COP30 in Brazil — to call on leaders to identify innovative sources of climate finance for developing countries leading to the mobilization of $1.3 trillion annually by 2035. 

All this requires a focus on innovative sources of finance.  

Excellencies,

In many ways, financing for development is integral to the future of the multilateral system.

It’s about our conviction in the power of global solutions to global problems like poverty, hunger and the climate crisis.

Let’s make the most of this critical moment as we prepare for Sevilla.

Let’s keep our ambitions high and deliver for people and planet.

And I thank you.

***
[All-French]

Monsieur le Président de l’Assemblée générale, Monsieur le Président de l’ECOSOC,

Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs,

Le Forum du Conseil économique et social de cette année tombe à un moment charnière.

Les préparatifs de la quatrième Conférence internationale sur le financement du développement, qui se tiendra à Séville, entrent dans leur dernière ligne droite.

Parallèlement, nous nous heurtons à de dures réalités :

Des donateurs qui reviennent sur leurs engagements et renoncent à verser l’aide promise à une vitesse et à une ampleur sans précédent ;

Des barrières commerciales qui sont érigées à un rythme effréné ;

Des objectifs de développement durable qui sont encore bien loin d’être atteints et qui pâtissent d’un déficit de financement annuel estimé à 4 000 milliards de dollars ;

Ou encore des coûts d’emprunt prohibitifs qui tarissent les investissements publics dans tous les domaines, de l’éducation et des systèmes de santé à la protection sociale, en passant par les infrastructures et la transition énergétique.

Mais il y a une autre réalité – bien plus importante et bien plus dangereuse – qui est à la base de tous ces problèmes.

Cette réalité, c’est la remise en question de la collaboration internationale.

Inutile de chercher un exemple bien loin : prenons les guerres commerciales.

Le commerce – un commerce équitable – illustre parfaitement les avantages de la coopération internationale.

Les barrières commerciales constituent un danger réel et immédiat pour l’économie mondiale et le développement durable – comme le montrent les récentes prévisions en forte baisse du Fonds monétaire international, de la CNUCED, de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce et de bien d’autres organismes.

L’Organisation mondiale du commerce prévoit déjà que le commerce international de marchandises se contractera de 0,2 % cette année – un revirement brutal par rapport à la hausse de 2,9 % enregistrée l’année dernière.

Dans une guerre commerciale, tout le monde est perdant, en particulier les pays et les populations les plus vulnérables, qui sont les plus durement touchés.

Excellences,

Dans ce contexte mouvementé, nous ne pouvons laisser s’envoler nos ambitions en matière de financement du développement.

Il ne reste que cinq ans pour atteindre les objectifs de développement durable ; il nous faut donc passer à la vitesse supérieure.

Il faut notamment honorer les engagements pris par les pays dans le cadre du Pacte pour l’avenir en septembre :

Du plan de relance des objectifs de développement durable, qui vise à aider les pays à investir dans leurs populations…

Aux réformes vitales et longuement attendues de l’architecture financière mondiale…

Aux engagements clairs pris dans le Pacte en faveur d’un commerce ouvert, équitable et régi par des règles…

À l’analyse qui y est préconisée de l’impact des dépenses militaires sur la réalisation des objectifs de développement durable, qui fera l’objet d’un rapport final publié d’ici à septembre…

Et au résultat ambitieux qui y est fixé pour la Conférence internationale sur le financement du développement de juillet.

Alors que les négociations sur le projet de document final de Séville se poursuivent, j’insiste pour que des mesures soient prises dans trois domaines clés.

Premièrement, la dette.

Lorsqu’elle est exploitée de manière intelligente et équitable, la dette peut être une alliée du développement.

Or, elle est devenue une ennemie.

Dans bon nombre de pays en développement, les acquis obtenus dans le domaine du développement croulent sous le poids du service de la dette, qui ponctionne les investissements dans l’éducation, la santé et les infrastructures.

Et le problème ne fait qu’empirer.

Le service de la dette des économies en développement s’est envolé à plus de 1 400 milliards de dollars par an.

Il dépasse aujourd’hui de 10 % les recettes publiques dans plus de 50 pays en développement – et plus de 20 % dans 17 pays – un signe évident de défaillance.

À l’issue de la conférence de Séville, les États Membres devraient s’engager à réduire le coût des emprunts, à mieux restructurer la dette et à empêcher les crises de perdurer.

Pour ce faire, il faudra notamment mettre en place un dispositif pour aider les pays en développement à gérer leurs dettes et à améliorer leur situation de trésorerie en temps de crise.

Le G20 doit également poursuivre ses travaux afin d’accélérer la mise en œuvre du Cadre commun pour le traitement de la dette et d’apporter un plus grand appui aux pays qui ne remplissent pas les conditions requises pour bénéficier de l’Initiative de suspension du service de la dette, notamment les pays à revenu intermédiaire.

En outre, les agences de notation doivent revoir leurs méthodes, qui font grimper les coûts d’emprunt pour les pays en développement.

Dans le même temps, le FMI et la Banque mondiale devraient faire avancer la réforme de l’évaluation de la dette de sorte que les investissements dans le développement durable et les risques climatiques soient pris en compte.

Ces propositions, comme les nombreuses autres propositions faites dans le projet de document final, constituent un plan d’action ambitieux devant aider les pays en développement à utiliser la dette de manière constructive et durable.

Deuxièmement, nos institutions financières internationales doivent pouvoir exploiter tout leur potentiel.

Si le financement est le carburant du développement, les banques multilatérales de développement en sont le moteur.

Et ce moteur doit être rendu plus performant.

Nous continuerons à faire pression pour tripler la capacité de prêt des banques multilatérales de développement, en les agrandissant et en les rendant plus audacieuses, comme le prévoit le projet de document final.

Il s’agit notamment d’augmenter leur capital, d’étendre leurs bilans et d’accroître considérablement leur capacité à mobiliser des financements privés à des coûts raisonnables pour les pays en développement.

Il faudra également veiller à ce que des financements à des conditions favorables soient accordés là où ils sont le plus nécessaires.

Et il faudra que les pays en développement soient représentés équitablement – et aient voix au chapitre – dans la gouvernance de ces institutions, dont ils dépendent.

Troisièmement, nous devons prendre des mesures concrètes pour augmenter tous les flux de financement.

Oui, les temps sont durs.

Mais c’est d’autant plus dans les périodes difficiles qu’un investissement responsable et durable s’impose.

Au niveau national, les gouvernements doivent mobiliser davantage de ressources internes et les diriger vers des systèmes essentiels tels que l’éducation, la santé et les infrastructures…

Ils doivent collaborer avec des partenaires privés pour multiplier les options de financement mixte…

Et intensifier la lutte contre la corruption et les flux financiers illicites.

Au niveau mondial, nous devons poursuivre nos efforts en vue d’établir un régime fiscal mondial inclusif et efficace, et veiller à ce que les règles fiscales internationales soient effectivement et équitablement appliquées.
Les donateurs doivent tenir leurs promesses en matière d’aide publique au développement et s’assurer que ces précieuses ressources parviennent aux pays en développement.

Pour notre part, nous donnerons aux équipes de pays des Nations Unies tous les moyens pour collaborer avec les gouvernements hôtes, afin qu’un maximum de ressources soit affecté au développement durable aux niveaux national et régional.

Et nous saisirons toutes les occasions, y compris la COP30 au Brésil, pour demander aux dirigeants de trouver des sources innovantes de financement de l’action climatique dans les pays en développement – afin de mobiliser 1 300 milliards de dollars par an d’ici à 2035.

Tout cela exige des efforts particuliers en terme de sources innovantes de financement.

Excellences,

À bien des égards, l’avenir du système multilatéral dépend du financement du développement.

Il en va de notre conviction que le règlement des problèmes mondiaux – tels que la pauvreté, la faim et la crise climatique – demande des solutions mondiales.

Tirons le meilleur parti de ce moment charnière, alors que nous nous préparons pour la conférence de Séville.

Maintenons nos ambitions à la hauteur des enjeux, et agissons pour les populations et pour la planète.

Et je vous remercie.
 

Source: United Nations – English

strong>Download the video:
https://s3.us-east-1.amazonaws.com/downloads2.unmultimedia.org/public/video/evergreen/MSG+SG+/SG+3+April+25/3357800_MSG+SG+SPANISH+LANGUAGE+DAY+03+APR+25.mp4

Queridas amigas y queridos amigos:

Hoy celebramos la fuerza, la belleza y la riqueza del español.

Hablado por más de 600 millones de personas en todos los continentes, el español es mucho más que un idioma.

Es un puente entre culturas, generaciones y pueblos;

Un vehículo de educación y creatividad;

Y un instrumento de cooperación internacional.

Como lengua oficial de las Naciones Unidas, el español desempeña un papel importante en la diplomacia multilateral y en la promoción de la paz, de los derechos humanos y del desarrollo sostenible.

En este Día Internacional del Idioma Español, reafirmamos nuestro compromiso con el multilingüismo – piedra angular de una ONU representativa, diversa e inclusiva.

Que el español siga iluminando caminos de diálogo, solidaridad y dignidad para todos.

Feliz Día del Idioma Español.

***