The 11 GW Inga 3 hydropower project in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is now approaching parliamentary review. Speaking during the Ministerial Dialogue on “Unlocking Africa’s Gas Supply for Global Energy Security” during the Invest in African Energy Forum 2026, Aimé Sakombi Molendo, Minister of Hydraulic Resources & Electricity, Democratic Republic of Congo, confirmed that the government is moving ahead with financing and implementation preparations for the project.
“We have been moving forward at the government’s request, and we have secured $275 million from the World Bank. I believe we should accelerate implementation as much as possible. Given all the stated characteristics, we may not even need traditional investors as such, but rather transformation partners to move very quickly,” Minister Sakombi Molendo said.
Inga 3 forms part of the broader Grand Inga complex on the Congo River, one of the largest hydropower sites in the world with a planned capacity of 44 GW. It is expected to deliver between 4.8 GW in its initial phase, with long-term expansion potential reaching up to 11 GW depending on phased development and transmission buildout. The project is designed not only to increase domestic electricity supply but also to enable large-scale electricity exports across Southern and Central Africa through high-voltage transmission corridors.
“We are now aligning institutions, partners and financing instruments to move into execution. This project is no longer theoretical; it is entering implementation,” he added.
The discussion broadened to Africa’s wider energy landscape, including gas, electricity and regional integration efforts. Clotaire Kondja, Minister of Petroleum and Gas, Gabonese Republic, highlighted Gabon’s focus on leveraging natural gas.
“We are entering a phase where gas infrastructure is not only about exports but about domestic industrial transformation. The opportunity is to build integrated value chains that support long-term competitiveness,” Minister Kondja said.
From an institutional gas perspective, Dr. Philip Mshelbila, Secretary General of the Gas Exporting Countries Forum (GECF), underscored Africa’s strategic role in global gas supply. “Natural gas is central to energy security and industrial development. Africa holds significant resources, but unlocking them requires stable frameworks, investment confidence, and regional cooperation,” Mshelbila stated.
“Africa’s energy future will depend on execution, not just resources. The question is whether we can build integrated systems that connect generation, gas supply, and industrial demand across borders,” Mshelbila concluded.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Energy Capital & Power.
À medida que a governação energética global se desloca das mesas de negociação para os tribunais, África enfrenta um desafio novo e urgente: garantir que a sua voz não só seja ouvida, mas também alinhada. A recente intervenção da Câmara Africana de Energia (AEC) (https://EnergyChamber.org) num caso consultivo histórico sobre o clima perante o Tribunal Africano dos Direitos Humanos e dos Povos trouxe esta questão para o centro das atenções. Iniciado pela União Pan-Africana de Advogados, o caso procura definir as obrigações legais dos Estados africanos na resposta às alterações climáticas – decisões que poderão ter implicações de longo alcance para o desenvolvimento energético, a industrialização e o crescimento económico em todo o continente.
No entanto, o envolvimento das partes interessadas africanas tem sido desigual. Esta falta de coordenação reflete uma questão estrutural mais ampla. Em todo o continente, a política energética é moldada por um ecossistema fragmentado de governos, reguladores, instituições regionais, empresas estatais e grupos de defesa. Embora cada um desempenhe um papel importante, a ausência de alinhamento resulta frequentemente em mensagens inconsistentes, particularmente em fóruns jurídicos e políticos globais onde a clareza e a coesão são fundamentais.
A decisão da AEC de intervir como amicus curiae é, por si só, uma resposta a esta fragmentação. Ao intervir, a Câmara pretende garantir que as realidades energéticas de África – particularmente a necessidade de equilibrar a ação climática com o desenvolvimento – sejam devidamente representadas. No entanto, nenhuma instituição isolada pode falar em nome de um continente inteiro. O caso destaca uma necessidade mais profunda de envolvimento coordenado entre as partes interessadas africanas.
Organizações como a Organização dos Países Exportadores de Petróleo (OPEP) e a Organização Africana de Produtores de Petróleo (APPO) têm servido há muito como plataformas para alinhar os interesses dos produtores e definir posições coletivas. Os cortes coordenados na produção da OPEP na sequência do colapso dos preços do petróleo em 2020, por exemplo, ajudaram a estabilizar os mercados globais e a restaurar a confiança nos preços. Entretanto, a APPO promoveu iniciativas como o Banco Africano de Energia para mobilizar financiamento para projetos de petróleo e gás num contexto de restrição dos fluxos de capital globais. Estes exemplos demonstram o poder da coordenação, mas também sublinham a necessidade de expandir esta abordagem para além da gestão de mercado, para as esferas jurídica e política.
Essa necessidade está a tornar-se mais urgente. Os tribunais e os órgãos jurídicos estão cada vez mais a moldar a política climática, transferindo decisões-chave das esferas políticas para interpretações vinculativas ou quase vinculativas. Estas decisões estão a influenciar o financiamento de projetos, as aprovações e a viabilidade a longo prazo dos hidrocarbonetos em mercados emergentes como África. Isto já é evidente em África, onde a pressão jurídica e relacionada com o clima sobre projetos como o Oleoduto de Petróleo Bruto da África Oriental contribuiu para retiradas de financiamento, atrasos e um escrutínio mais rigoroso, a par dos desafios que os desenvolvimentos de GNL enfrentam em Moçambique.
Sem uma posição africana coordenada, existe um risco real de que estes quadros sejam moldados externamente, sem refletir plenamente as prioridades do continente. Isto surge numa altura em que África tem de lidar simultaneamente com as pressões climáticas e resolver uma lacuna fundamental no acesso à energia – mais de 600 milhões de pessoas em todo o continente ainda não têm acesso à eletricidade.
A contradição é gritante. Pede-se a África que acelere a descarbonização enquanto continua a construir os sistemas energéticos necessários para apoiar o crescimento económico e a industrialização. Uma voz fragmentada apenas agrava este desafio. Posições nacionais divergentes, quadros regulamentares inconsistentes e uma defesa descoordenada enfraquecem a capacidade do continente para negociar eficazmente, atrair investimento e defender o seu caminho de desenvolvimento.
«Com demasiada frequência, África apresenta-se nos debates globais sobre energia dividida – enquanto outros se apresentam organizados e estratégicos», afirmou NJ Ayuk, Presidente Executivo da AEC. «Se não coordenarmos as nossas políticas, as nossas mensagens e as nossas posições jurídicas, as decisões sobre o futuro energético de África serão tomadas sem que África esteja presente à mesa. A unidade já não é opcional; é a forma como protegemos os nossos recursos, atraímos investimento e asseguramos o nosso desenvolvimento.»
Uma coordenação institucional mais forte oferece um caminho claro a seguir. Ao alinhar posições entre governos, organizações regionais e organismos do setor, África pode apresentar uma narrativa unificada – que enfatize o seu direito ao desenvolvimento, o papel contínuo dos hidrocarbonetos e a importância de uma transição energética equilibrada e inclusiva.
Neste contexto, a OPEP e a APPO têm um papel fundamental a desempenhar – não apenas como organizadoras, mas como motores do alinhamento de políticas. Através de estratégias coordenadas, dados partilhados e representação unificada em fóruns globais, estas instituições podem ajudar a transformar África de um conjunto de vozes individuais num bloco de negociação coeso.
A intervenção da AEC no processo sobre o clima deve ser vista como um sinal – não apenas da importância da participação, mas do custo da fragmentação. À medida que a governação energética global continua a evoluir, África não se pode dar ao luxo de ser reativa, dividida ou sub-representada.
Distribuído pelo Grupo APO para African Energy Chamber.
As global energy governance shifts from negotiation tables to courtrooms, Africa is facing a new and urgent challenge: ensuring its voice is not only heard, but aligned. The recent intervention by the African Energy Chamber (AEC) (https://EnergyChamber.org) in a landmark climate advisory case before the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights has brought this issue into sharp focus. Initiated by the Pan African Lawyers Union, the case seeks to define the legal obligations of African states in addressing climate change – decisions that could have far-reaching implications for energy development, industrialization and economic growth across the continent.
Yet engagement from African stakeholders has been uneven. This lack of coordination reflects a broader structural issue. Across the continent, energy policy is shaped by a fragmented ecosystem of governments, regulators, regional institutions, state-owned enterprises and advocacy groups. While each plays an important role, the absence of alignment often results in inconsistent messaging, particularly in global legal and policy forums where clarity and cohesion are critical.
The AEC’s decision to intervene as amicus curiae is, in itself, a response to this fragmentation. By stepping in, the Chamber aims to ensure that Africa’s energy realities – particularly the need to balance climate action with development – are properly represented. However, no single institution can speak for an entire continent. The case highlights a deeper need for coordinated engagement across African stakeholders.
Organizations such as the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the African Petroleum Producers Organization (APPO) have long served as platforms for aligning producer interests and shaping collective positions. OPEC’s coordinated production cuts following the 2020 oil price collapse, for example, helped stabilize global markets and restore price confidence. Meanwhile, APPO has advanced initiatives such as the Africa Energy Bank to mobilize financing for oil and gas projects amid tightening global capital flows. These examples demonstrate the power of coordination, but also underscore the need to expand this approach beyond market management into legal and policy arenas.
That need is becoming more urgent. Courts and legal bodies are increasingly shaping climate policy, shifting key decisions from political arenas into binding or quasi-binding interpretations. These rulings are influencing project financing, approvals and the long-term viability of hydrocarbons in emerging markets like Africa. This is already evident in Africa, where legal and climate-related pressure on projects such as the East African Crude Oil Pipeline has contributed to financing withdrawals, delays and heightened scrutiny, alongside challenges facing LNG developments in Mozambique.
Without a coordinated African position, there is a real risk that these frameworks will be shaped externally, without fully reflecting the continent’s priorities. This comes at a time when Africa must simultaneously navigate climate pressures and address a fundamental energy access gap – over 600 million people across the continent still lack access to electricity.
The contradiction is stark. Africa is being asked to accelerate decarbonization while still building the energy systems required to support economic growth and industrialization. A fragmented voice only deepens this challenge. Diverging national positions, inconsistent regulatory frameworks and uncoordinated advocacy weaken the continent’s ability to negotiate effectively, attract investment and defend its development pathway.
“Too often, Africa shows up to global energy debates divided – while others come organized and strategic,” said NJ Ayuk, Executive Chairman of the AEC. “If we don’t coordinate our policies, our messaging and our legal positions, decisions about Africa’s energy future will be made without Africa at the table. Unity is no longer optional; it’s how we protect our resources, attract investment and secure our development.”
Stronger institutional coordination offers a clear path forward. By aligning positions across governments, regional organizations and industry bodies, Africa can present a unified narrative – one that emphasizes its right to development, the continued role of hydrocarbons and the importance of a balanced, inclusive energy transition.
In this context, OPEC and APPO have a critical role to play – not only as conveners, but as engines of policy alignment. Through coordinated strategies, shared data and unified representation in global forums, these institutions can help transform Africa from a collection of individual voices into a cohesive negotiating bloc.
The AEC’s intervention in the climate case should be seen as a signal – not just of the importance of participation, but of the cost of fragmentation. As global energy governance continues to evolve, Africa cannot afford to be reactive, divided or underrepresented.
African Corporates will have a unique opportunity to learn how to fully maximize the benefits of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) when the third edition of the AfCFTA Training Programme holds in Cairo, Egypt from 16th June to 18th June, 2026.
Developed and led by African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank), in collaboration with the American University in Cairo (AUC) and the AfCFTA Secretariat, the programme is designed to equip participants with the skills, knowledge, and practical expertise required to navigate and succeed within Africa’s evolving intra-African trade landscape.
While the AfCFTA has significant potential to drive economic development across Africa, limited understanding of its technical provisions and practical applications continues to hinder the full realization of its benefits. The programme is designed to equip businesses with practical, actionable insights on identifying and capitalising on trade opportunities, managing export and import operations, and navigating trade finance, supply chains, and the broader international trade environment. It will also provide a clear understanding of how the AfCFTA framework addresses capacity constraints and expands market access for producers of goods and services across the continent.
By translating the AfCFTA’s legal and treaty provisions into business-ready strategies, the programme offers clarity on the regulatory, operational, and market requirements necessary for companies to fully leverage opportunities within the rapidly expanding AfCFTA market.
As the African Union’s key strategic partner in implementing the AfCFTA, Afreximbank has spearheaded multiple initiatives to advance both intra and extra-African trade and investment, with trainings playing a key role in capacity building.
Commenting on the programme, Dr. Yemi Kale, Group Chief Economist & Managing Director of Research at Afreximbank, described it as “a strategic platform for advancing the adoption and deepening the understanding of the AfCFTA among key stakeholders, particularly corporates within the broader private sector ecosystem.” He added that the initiative “reinforces the Bank’s commitment to equipping businesses with the insights and capabilities required to effectively leverage opportunities under the Agreement.”
Dr. Kale said: “I have full confidence that participants in this training will leave with a holistic understanding of the AfCFTA, its genesis and dimensions, enabling them to assess the outcomes of the ongoing negotiations, and to examine the challenges and opportunities that underlie the negotiations and the agreement at large. They will also be able to explore the prospects of the AfCFTA and to capitalize on the agreement while supporting its objectives to the benefit their corporations and the continent.”
Mohamed Ali, Director of Trade in Goods and Competition at the AfCFTA Secretariat, said: “This programme represents a critical step towards unlocking the full potential of intra-African trade through targeted capacity building and strategic partnerships. Our collaboration with Afreximbank reinforces a shared commitment to equip African businesses with the practical knowledge, tools, and institutional support required to effectively utilize the Agreement.”
Commenting on the programme, Mr. Stephen Tio Kauma, Managing Director, Human Resources at Afreximbank, stated: “Delivered through the Afreximbank Academy (AFRACAD), this programme reflects our commitment to equipping African businesses with the practical skills needed to fully leverage the opportunities under the AfCFTA. AFRACAD continues to serve as a leading trade knowledge hub, empowering participants to compete and thrive in Africa’s single market. Through our strong partnerships and innovative learning approach, we are empowering businesses across Global Africa to scale, innovate, and play a leading role in the continent’s economic transformation”.
For registration and further information, please visit: https://apo-opa.co/41O3CdY
– on behalf of Afreximbank.
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About Afreximbank:
African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) is a Pan-African multilateral financial institution mandated to finance and promote intra- and extra-African trade. For over 30 years, the Bank has been deploying innovative structures to deliver financing solutions that support the transformation of the structure of Africa’s trade, accelerating industrialisation and intra-regional trade, thereby boosting economic expansion in Africa. A stalwart supporter of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA), Afreximbank has launched a Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) that was adopted by the African Union (AU) as the payment and settlement platform to underpin the implementation of the AfCFTA. Working with the AfCFTA Secretariat and the AU, the Bank has set up a US$10 billion Adjustment Fund to support countries effectively participating in the AfCFTA. At the end of December 2025, Afreximbank’s total assets and contingencies stood at over US$48.5 billion, and its shareholder funds amounted to US$8.4 billion. Afreximbank has investment grade ratings assigned by China Chengxin International Credit Rating Co., Ltd (CCXI) (AAA), GCR (A), Japan Credit Rating Agency (JCR) (A-), and. Moody’s (Baa2). Afreximbank has evolved into a group entity comprising the Bank, its equity impact fund subsidiary called the Fund for Export Development Africa (FEDA), and its insurance management subsidiary, AfrexInsure (together, “the Group”). The Bank is headquartered in Cairo, Egypt.
Your Majesty King Letsie III, The Right Honourable Prime Minister, Ntsokoane Samuel Matekane, Honourable Ministers, Principal Chiefs of Madingoaneng and Mokhotlong, High Commissioners and members of the Diplomatic Corps, Representatives of the Implementing Agency, Representatives of the Joint Venture Contractors and Design Team, Distinguished guests, Ladies and gentlemen,
Dumelang Basotho ba batle.
The Senqu Bridge is a milestone in our longstanding collaboration.
This bridge is testament to the deep-seated relationship between our two countries.
Rising high above the river valley, located more than 2,500 meters above sea level, this bridge has been built to endure.
It will serve many generations to come.
Together with the two other bridges being constructed to span the Polihali reservoir, this bridge will improve travel across this part of the country, making transport easier and cheaper for communities, businesses and visitors.
This bridge tells a story of determination in the face of complexity.
The project has experienced a number of challenges.
However, the project team who stayed focused. It has worked to ensure that no affected communities and no households are left worse off by this construction.
This reflects a shared commitment to development that is inclusive, fair and humane.
The Senqu Bridge project has created employment for over 1,200 people, most of them Basotho.
The project has employed local engineers, technicians and professionals from both our countries.
The Young Professionals Programme, which is now part of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project, is introducing young graduates to the sector.
Through this programme, we are building the foundation for an infrastructure drive across our region and across our continent.
The Lesotho Highlands Water Project is one of the most ambitious and successful transboundary water projects in the world. It is the largest investment South Africa has ever made outside its borders. South Africa is a water-scarce country and the waters of Lesotho’s highlands are vital to our country’s development.
We remain forever grateful to the great Basotho nation for making water resources available to us.
Today’s event is another signal of our strong bilateral relationship.
In April last year, Prime Minister Matekane and I co-chaired the 2nd Session of the Bi-National Commission between our two countries in Maseru.
We signed six bilateral agreements, covering areas of cooperation such as water and energy, capacity building and skills development, defence and social development.
Importantly, the two countries agreed to redouble our efforts to deepen economic cooperation for the development and growth of our respective economies.
The next session of the Bi-National Commission will certainly register more progress as we deepen our cooperation in energy, infrastructure, agriculture, telecommunications, finance industry and the services sector.
Your Majesty, Prime Minister, distinguished guests,
Being here is a reminder of how impressive the evolution of this kingdom has been since the courageous King Moshoeshoe ascended Thaba Bosiu Mountain and founded this great nation.
The South African people will never forget the sacrifices Basotho made in contributing to our own freedom.
South Africans and Basotho will forever be bound together, shaped by a common destiny, grounded in history, geography, language and culture.
The building of partnerships is very important in a changing, complex and uncertain global environment.
Guided by the spirit of Pan Africanism, South-South cooperation and solidarity, we are forging ahead to realise the vision of an economically integrated Africa as espoused by the African Union’s Agenda 2063.
As a reaffirmation of our desire to further deepen cooperation, I am pleased to announce that South Africa will provide humanitarian assistance to the Kingdom of Lesotho to the value of R30 million from our African Renaissance Fund.
This will help Lesotho to strengthen its national response to HIV and tuberculosis in the context of dwindling levels of international humanitarian assistance.
As the current interim Chair of SADC and Chair later this year, South Africa will continue to promote and champion regional initiatives to accelerate trade, investment and integration and to deepen people-to-people links.
The finalisation of the Lesotho Highlands Water project is within sight.
We call on all implementing agencies, contractors and oversight structures to complete the Polihali Dam and Tunnel on time, within budget and to the highest standards.
We acknowledge and applaud all who made this project possible and who have contributed to its completion under the stewardship of our respective Ministers.
This project is more than infrastructure. It is more than steel and concrete.
It is a symbol of a deep and enduring partnership.
The Senqu Bridge is an example of what Africa can achieve when it believes in itself.
It is in this spirit of friendship, cooperation and solidarity that I express sincere appreciation to Your Majesty, the Government and people of this remarkable Kingdom for your hospitality today.
Bridge across water, history and trust: What the Senqu Crossing tells us about SADC regional cooperation
By David Jacobs
The Senqu Bridge is a visible reminder of how South Africa and the Kingdom of Lesotho have chosen cooperation over competition in the management of shared natural resources, particularly water, one of the most strategic assets in Southern Africa.
The bridge, constructed as part of Phase II of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP), restores and safeguards connectivity for communities once the Polihali Reservoir is impounded. But its deeper significance lies in what it symbolises: a mature, treaty‑based approach to regional development, rooted in shared benefit, legal certainty and long‑term planning.
At the heart of the LHWP is the Treaty on the Lesotho Highlands Water Project, signed on 24 October 1986 between the Governments of South Africa and Lesotho. Far from being a once‑off agreement, the Treaty established a permanent framework for cooperation, defining roles, responsibilities, governance systems, cost‑sharing arrangements and dispute‑resolution mechanisms.
Through this Treaty and its accompanying Protocols, the two countries jointly committed to:
the equitable use of the Senqu/Orange River system,
the delivery of high‑quality water to South Africa, particularly to Gauteng,
hydropower generation and economic development in Lesotho, and
shared responsibility for social and environmental impacts arising from large‑scale infrastructure.
The Senqu Bridge stands out as a flagship example of people-centred development, embodying a holistic approach that integrates skills transfer, road infrastructure development, service delivery, local procurement, and livelihood restoration, in line with the provisions of the Treaty and the Phase II Agreement.
Furthermore,while the LHWP is unique in scale and longevity, it is not an anomaly. The Treaty explicitly recognises that water resources in Southern Africa are shared, transboundary assets whose sustainable use requires cooperation, not unilateral action.
The LHWP therefore stands as one example among many bilateral and regional arrangements through which neighbouring countries collaborate on bulk water supply, river basin management and infrastructure development.
What distinguishes the South Africa–Lesotho cooperation is its depth and durability: a multi‑decade legal framework supported by detailed protocols on royalties, cost apportionment, taxation, governance and dispute settlement.
In an increasingly water‑scarce region, such arrangements matter. They demonstrate that water diplomacy can be developmental, delivering mutual gains and uplifting both countries.
In addition to this, the Project’s governance model, centred on the Lesotho Highlands Water Commission, the Lesotho Highlands Development Authority, and South Africa’s Trans‑Caledon Tunnel Authority, ensures joint oversight and accountability. Cost allocation, royalties and financing responsibilities are clearly delineated through legally binding instruments, reducing uncertainty and reinforcing trust.
For South Africa, the benefits include secure, gravity‑fed water supply to its economic heartland at lower long‑term pumping costs. For Lesotho, the Project delivers hydropower generation, infrastructure investment, royalties, employment and skills development.
These benefits are commendable as they demonstrate the effectiveness of the treaty.
Over and above, the Senqu Bridge remains a key achievement worth celebrating in the SADC Regional Cooperation. As vehicles cross the bridge for the first time, they do so on a structure made possible by a shared vision forged four decades ago.
On the other hand, in a time when pressures on water resources are intensifying across Southern Africa, the LHWP and milestones like the Senqu Bridge, offer an important lesson. When neighbouring states embed cooperation in law, institutions and long‑term planning, infrastructure can become more than concrete and steel. It can become a bridge between national interests, carrying shared prosperity into the future.
*David Jacobs is Chief Director: Cluster Communication and Stakeholder Management at the Government Communication and Information System (GCIS).
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Christophe Premat, Professor, Canadian and Cultural Studies, Stockholm University
Who counts as an intellectual? In many traditions, the figure of the intellectual is tied to the search for truth, social critique and public engagement. From the Dreyfus Affair (a political scandal in 1894 in France that mobilised writers and thinkers to defend justice) to postcolonial debates, intellectuals are those who intervene in society, not just to interpret the world, but to challenge it.
Hermann
In the African context, this role takes on particular urgency. Intellectuals on the continent and in the diaspora have long navigated a complex terrain shaped by colonial legacies, political constraints and global inequalities. They are not simply producers of knowledge. They are mediators between worlds, engaged in a struggle over meaning, identity and historical narrative.
As a scholar of cultural studies and postcolonial thought, I’ve sought, in a new French book, to analyse their paths not as isolated figures, but as part of a broader constellation of what we’ve called “African intellectual sensibilities”.
These are ways of thinking that are at once critical, situated and globally engaged. This approach highlights how African thinkers contribute not only to debates about Africa, but also to the redefinition of knowledge production itself.
So, identifying African thinkers is not just an exercise in recognition. It’s part of a broader effort to rebalance an intellectual history that has too often marginalised or misrepresented African contributions. As Congolese philosopher Valentin-Yves Mudimbe famously argued, Africa has often been constructed as an object of knowledge rather than a subject producing it.
From this perspective, here are six intellectuals whose work helps us rethink Africa and the world.
The famous
1. Valentin-Yves Mudimbe (1941-2025)
Mudimbe is one of the most influential African philosophers of the late 20th century. His seminal work The Invention of Africa dismantles what he calls the “colonial library”, the body of western knowledge that has historically defined Africa from the outside.
Mudimbe: deconstructing the colonial production of knowledge.Screengrab/YouTube/Alice Ces
Rather than simply rejecting western thought, Mudimbe proposes a critical archaeology of knowledge. His work invites us to rethink how Africa can be known and, crucially, how it can speak for itself. He shifts the question from what Africa is to who has the power to define it.
His contribution goes further. By drawing on thinkers like Michel Foucault from France, he shows that knowledge is never neutral. It’s embedded in structures of power. This allows Mudimbe to expose how academic disciplines, from anthropology to history, have participated in constructing a distorted image of Africa.
His work opened the way for a generation of scholars who now seek to produce knowledge from within African perspectives rather than about Africa as an external object.
2. Achille Mbembe (born 1957)
A major voice in contemporary global theory, Cameroonian historian Mbembe explores how power operates in postcolonial societies. In works such as On the Postcolony and Critique of Black Reason, he analyses the afterlives of colonial violence and their impact on subjectivity.
Mbembe: thinking about power, violence and the postcolonial condition.Wikimedia Commons/Heike Huslage-Koch, CC BY-SA
Mbembe also emphasises the need for Africa to produce its own narratives. For him, intellectual work is inseparable from historical trauma, but also from the possibility of reinvention.
One of his key contributions is the concept of “necropolitics”, which examines how modern forms of power determine who may live and who must die. This framework has been widely used to analyse conflicts, borders and inequalities far beyond the continent.
At the same time, Mbembe insists on moving beyond victimhood. His work points toward what he sees as an emerging African future, shaped by mobility, creativity and new forms of belonging in a globalised world.
The fascinating
3. George Ayittey (1945–2022)
Ghanaian economist and thinker Ayittey stands out for his uncompromising critique of postcolonial African elites. While acknowledging the impact of colonialism, he argues that many of Africa’s problems today stem from internal governance failures such as corruption, authoritarianism and institutional decay.
Ayittey: rethinking governance and postcolonial elites.Wikimedia Commons/Gage Skidmore, CC BY-SA
One of his most influential ideas is the distinction between “cheetahs” and “hippos”. Cheetahs are a new generation of reform minded Africans, hippos are entrenched elites resistant to change. This captures a broader critique of political stagnation and elite capture.
Ayittey also insists on the importance of indigenous African institutions as resources for political renewal. His work is therefore not only critical, it is also programmatic, calling for a reconstruction of governance.
4. Kwasi Wiredu (1931-2022)
Ghanaian philosopher Wiredu is one of the most important figures in African philosophy. His central project, conceptual decolonisation, aims to free African thought from uncritically adopting western philosophical categories.
For Wiredu, language plays a crucial role. Philosophical problems are often shaped by the language they’re formulated in. By returning to African languages, he shows that debates about truth, personhood or political organisation can be reframed in very different ways.
His work on consensus-based political systems, inspired by Akan traditions, is particularly influential. Rather than relying on majoritarian democracy, Wiredu explores forms of deliberation that include agreement and social cohesion. In the process, he does not reject universality. He redefines it from within African intellectual traditions.
5. Oyèrónkẹ́ Oyěwùmí (born 1957)
Nigerian sociologist and gender scholar Oyěwùmí’s work offers a powerful critique of western ideas being applied to the rest of the world. In The Invention of Women, she argues that gender, as understood in western societies, was imposed on Yoruba social structures through colonialism.
Oyěwùmí: rethinking gender.Wikimedia Commons/O Oyěwùmí, CC BY-SA
Her research demonstrates that social organisation in Yoruba society was not originally structured around gender in the same way.
Rather than gender serving as the main axis of social difference, other markers such as age and status played a more central role. This challenges the assumption that categories such as man and woman are universally foundational.
More broadly, her work invites us to question how knowledge travels and how it can distort the realities it claims to describe.
Ndlovu-Gatsheni: decolonial thinking and the politics of knowledge.Screengrab/YouTube/GCSMUS
He criticises the global division of intellectual labour, where African scholars are often confined to producing data while the theory is developed elsewhere. For him, the issue is about who has the authority to produce knowledge.
His work calls for African perspectives to be put in the centre of global debates and for a transformation of the structures that continue to marginalise them.
Beyond a list
African intellectuals are not a uniform group. They operate across disciplines such as philosophy, history, economics, sociology and literature, and across spaces around the world.
What unites them is a shared engagement with a central question. How can Africa be thought critically in a world still marked by unequal power relations?
There are, of course, many other prominent African thinkers whose work deserves attention. The figures here have been chosen because they are particularly representative of different ways of thinking from and about Africa.
Each of them opens a distinct intellectual pathway, whether through the critique of knowledge, the analysis of power, the rethinking of social categories or the transformation of political and philosophical frameworks.
– 6 African thinkers who help us understand the world – new book – https://theconversation.com/6-african-thinkers-who-help-us-understand-the-world-new-book-280090
Alors que la gouvernance énergétique mondiale passe des tables de négociation aux salles d’audience, l’Afrique est confrontée à un nouveau défi urgent : veiller à ce que sa voix soit non seulement entendue, mais aussi harmonisée. La récente intervention de la Chambre africaine de l’énergie (AEC) (https://EnergyChamber.org) dans une affaire consultative historique sur le climat devant la Cour africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples a mis cette question au premier plan. Initiée par l’Union panafricaine des avocats, cette affaire vise à définir les obligations juridiques des États africains en matière de lutte contre le changement climatique – des décisions qui pourraient avoir des implications considérables pour le développement énergétique, l’industrialisation et la croissance économique à travers le continent.
Pourtant, l’engagement des parties prenantes africaines a été inégal. Ce manque de coordination reflète un problème structurel plus large. À travers le continent, la politique énergétique est façonnée par un écosystème fragmenté composé de gouvernements, de régulateurs, d’institutions régionales, d’entreprises publiques et de groupes de défense. Si chacun joue un rôle important, l’absence d’alignement se traduit souvent par des messages incohérents, en particulier dans les forums juridiques et politiques mondiaux où la clarté et la cohésion sont essentielles.
La décision de l’AEC d’intervenir en tant qu’amicus curiae est, en soi, une réponse à cette fragmentation. En intervenant, la Chambre vise à garantir que les réalités énergétiques de l’Afrique – en particulier la nécessité de concilier action climatique et développement – soient correctement représentées. Cependant, aucune institution ne peut à elle seule parler au nom de tout un continent. Cette affaire met en évidence un besoin plus profond d’engagement coordonné entre les parties prenantes africaines.
Des organisations telles que l’Organisation des pays exportateurs de pétrole (OPEP) et l’Organisation des producteurs africains de pétrole (APPO) servent depuis longtemps de plateformes pour aligner les intérêts des producteurs et définir des positions collectives. Les réductions de production coordonnées de l’OPEP à la suite de l’effondrement des prix du pétrole en 2020, par exemple, ont contribué à stabiliser les marchés mondiaux et à rétablir la confiance dans les prix. Parallèlement, l’APPO a mis en avant des initiatives telles que la Banque africaine de l’énergie afin de mobiliser des financements pour des projets pétroliers et gaziers dans un contexte de resserrement des flux de capitaux mondiaux. Ces exemples démontrent la puissance de la coordination, mais soulignent également la nécessité d’étendre cette approche au-delà de la gestion des marchés pour l’étendre aux domaines juridique et politique.
Ce besoin devient de plus en plus urgent. Les tribunaux et les instances juridiques façonnent de plus en plus la politique climatique, transférant des décisions clés de la sphère politique vers des interprétations contraignantes ou quasi contraignantes. Ces décisions influencent le financement des projets, leur approbation et la viabilité à long terme des hydrocarbures sur les marchés émergents comme l’Afrique. Cela est déjà évident en Afrique, où les pressions juridiques et climatiques pesant sur des projets tels que l’oléoduc d’Afrique de l’Est ont contribué à des retraits de financement, des retards et une surveillance accrue, parallèlement aux défis auxquels sont confrontés les projets de GNL au Mozambique.
Sans une position africaine coordonnée, il existe un risque réel que ces cadres soient façonnés de l’extérieur, sans refléter pleinement les priorités du continent. Cela intervient à un moment où l’Afrique doit simultanément faire face aux pressions climatiques et combler un déficit fondamental en matière d’accès à l’énergie – plus de 600 millions de personnes à travers le continent n’ont toujours pas accès à l’électricité.
La contradiction est flagrante. On demande à l’Afrique d’accélérer la décarbonisation tout en continuant à mettre en place les systèmes énergétiques nécessaires pour soutenir la croissance économique et l’industrialisation. Une voix fragmentée ne fait qu’aggraver ce défi. Les positions nationales divergentes, les cadres réglementaires incohérents et le manque de coordination dans la défense des intérêts affaiblissent la capacité du continent à négocier efficacement, à attirer les investissements et à défendre sa voie de développement.
« Trop souvent, l’Afrique se présente aux débats mondiaux sur l’énergie en étant divisée, alors que d’autres acteurs sont organisés et agissent de manière stratégique », a déclaré NJ Ayuk, président exécutif de l’AEC. « Si nous ne coordonnons pas nos politiques, nos messages et nos positions juridiques, les décisions concernant l’avenir énergétique de l’Afrique seront prises sans que l’Afrique ne soit présente à la table des négociations. L’unité n’est plus une option ; c’est la manière dont nous protégeons nos ressources, attirons les investissements et assurons notre développement. »
Une coordination institutionnelle renforcée offre une voie claire à suivre. En alignant les positions des gouvernements, des organisations régionales et des organismes sectoriels, l’Afrique peut présenter un discours unifié – un discours qui met l’accent sur son droit au développement, le rôle continu des hydrocarbures et l’importance d’une transition énergétique équilibrée et inclusive.
Dans ce contexte, l’OPEP et l’APPO ont un rôle crucial à jouer – non seulement en tant qu’organisateurs, mais aussi en tant que moteurs de l’alignement des politiques. Grâce à des stratégies coordonnées, au partage de données et à une représentation unifiée dans les forums mondiaux, ces institutions peuvent contribuer à transformer l’Afrique, qui passerait d’un ensemble de voix individuelles à un bloc de négociation cohésif.
L’intervention de l’AEC dans l’affaire climatique doit être considérée comme un signal – non seulement de l’importance de la participation, mais aussi du coût de la fragmentation. Alors que la gouvernance énergétique mondiale continue d’évoluer, l’Afrique ne peut se permettre d’être réactive, divisée ou sous-représentée.
Distribué par APO Group pour African Energy Chamber.
Les entreprises africaines auront une occasion unique d’apprendre à tirer pleinement parti des avantages de la Zone de Libre-Échange Continentale Africaine (ZLECAf) lors de la troisième édition du programme de formation sur la ZLECAf, qui se tiendra au Caire, en Égypte, du 16 au 18 juin 2026.
Conçu et piloté par la Banque Africaine d’Import-Export (Afreximbank), en collaboration avec l’Université Américaine du Caire (AUC) et le Secrétariat de la ZLECAf, ce programme vise à doter les participants des compétences, des connaissances et de l’expertise pratique nécessaires pour s’orienter et réussir dans le paysage commercial intra-africain en pleine évolution.
La faible compréhension de ses dispositions techniques et de ses applications pratiques continue d’empêcher de tirer pleinement parti de la ZLECAf, en dépit de son potentiel important pour stimuler le développement économique en Afrique. Ce programme est conçu pour fournir aux entreprises des connaissances pratiques et exploitables sur l’identification et la capitalisation des opportunités commerciales, la gestion des opérations d’exportation et d’importation, ainsi que la maîtrise du financement du commerce, les chaînes d’approvisionnement et l’environnement commercial international au sens large. Il permettra également de comprendre clairement comment le cadre de la ZLECAf répond aux contraintes de capacité et élargit l’accès aux marchés pour les producteurs de biens et services à travers le continent.
En traduisant les dispositions juridiques et conventionnelles de la ZLECAf en stratégies concrètes pour les entreprises, ce programme apporte des éclaircissements sur les exigences réglementaires, opérationnelles et commerciales dont les entreprises ont besoin pour tirer pleinement parti des opportunités offertes par le marché de la ZLECAf, en pleine expansion.
En tant que partenaire stratégique clé de l’Union Africaine dans la mise en œuvre de la ZLECAf, Afreximbank a mené de nombreuses initiatives visant à promouvoir le commerce et les investissements tant intra-africains qu’extra-africains, les formations jouant un rôle essentiel dans le renforcement des capacités.
S’exprimant au sujet de ce programme, le Dr Yemi Kale, Économiste en Chef du Groupe et Directeur Général de la Recherche pour Afreximbank, l’a décrit comme « une plateforme stratégique visant à promouvoir l’adoption de la ZLECAf et à en approfondir la compréhension parmi les principales parties prenantes, en particulier les entreprises au sein de l’écosystème global du secteur privé ». Il a ajouté que cette initiative « renforce l’engagement de la Banque à doter les entreprises des connaissances et des capacités nécessaires pour tirer pleinement parti des opportunités offertes par l’accord ».
Dr Kale a ajouté : « Je suis convaincu que les participants à cette formation repartiront avec une compréhension globale de la ZLECAf, de sa genèse et de ses dimensions, ce qui leur permettra d’évaluer les résultats des négociations en cours et d’analyser les défis et les opportunités qui sous-tendent ces négociations ainsi que l’accord dans son ensemble. Ils seront également en mesure d’explorer les perspectives offertes par la ZLECAf et de tirer parti de cet accord tout en soutenant ses objectifs, dans l’intérêt de leurs entreprises et du continent. »
Mohamed Ali, Directeur du Commerce des Marchandises et de la Concurrence au Secrétariat de la ZLECAf, a déclaré : « Ce programme constitue une étape cruciale pour libérer tout le potentiel du commerce intra-africain grâce à un renforcement ciblé des capacités et à des partenariats stratégiques. Notre collaboration avec Afreximbank renforce notre engagement commun à doter les entreprises africaines des connaissances pratiques, des outils et du soutien institutionnel nécessaires pour tirer pleinement parti de l’accord. »
Commentant le programme, M. Stephen Tio Kauma, Directeur Général des Ressources Humaines pour Afreximbank, a déclaré : « Dispensé par l’intermédiaire de l’Afreximbank Academy (AFRACAD), ce programme reflète notre engagement à doter les entreprises africaines des compétences pratiques nécessaires pour tirer pleinement parti des opportunités offertes par la ZLECAf. L’AFRACAD continue de jouer un rôle de premier plan en tant que centre de connaissances commerciales, permettant aux participants d’être compétitifs et de prospérer sur le marché unique africain. Grâce à nos partenariats solides et à notre approche pédagogique innovante, nous donnons aux entreprises de toute l’Afrique les moyens de se développer, d’innover et de jouer un rôle de premier plan dans la transformation économique du continent ».
Pour vous inscrire au programme et obtenir de plus amples informations, veuillez consulter : https://apo-opa.co/41O3CdY
Distribué par APO Group pour Afreximbank.
Contact Presse :
Vincent Musumba
Responsable des communications et de la gestion évènementielle (Relations presse)
Courriel : press@afreximbank.com
À propos d’Afreximbank :
La Banque Africaine d’Import-Export (Afreximbank) est une institution financière multilatérale panafricaine dédiée au financement et à la promotion du commerce intra et extra-africain. Depuis 30 ans, Afreximbank déploie des structures innovantes pour fournir des solutions de financement qui facilitent la transformation de la structure du commerce africain et accélèrent l’industrialisation et le commerce intrarégional, soutenant ainsi l’expansion économique en Afrique. Fervente défenseur de l’Accord sur la Zone de Libre-Échange Continentale Africaine (ZLECAf), Afreximbank a lancé les le Système panafricain de paiement et de règlement (PAPSS) qui a été adopté par l’Union africaine (UA) comme la plateforme de paiement et de règlement devant appuyer la mise en œuvre de la ZLECAf. En collaboration avec le Secrétariat de la ZLECAf et l’UA, la Banque a mis en place un Fonds d’ajustement de 10 milliards de dollars US pour aider les pays à participer de manière effective à la ZLECAf. À la fin de décembre 2025, le total des actifs et des garanties de la Banque s’élevait à environ 48,5 milliards de dollars US et les fonds de ses actionnaires s’établissaient à 8,4 milliards de dollars US. Afreximbank est notée AAA par China Chengxin International Credit Rating Co., Ltd (CCXI), A par GCR, A- par Japan Credit Rating Agency (JCR) et Baa2 par Moody’s. – Au fil des ans, Afrexi.mbank est devenue un groupe constitué de la Banque, de sa filiale de financement à impact appelée Fonds de développement des exportations en Afrique (FEDA), et de sa filiale de gestion d’assurance, AfrexInsure, (les trois entités forment « le Groupe »). La Banque a son siège social au Caire, en Égypte.
The Minister of Agriculture John Steenhuisen has announced the arrival of two million doses of Foot and Mouth Disease (FMD) vaccine in South Africa, marking a significant step in the country’s efforts to control the spread of the disease.
The vaccines, sourced from Dollvet in Turkey, represent the first tranche of a six million doses order secured through local agents Dunevax. Distribution to provinces is expected to begin within the next few days.
Building on this progress, the Minister said an order for an additional five million doses from Biogénesis Bagó in Argentina has been placed with Onderstepoort Biological Products (OBP).
He said the consignment of vaccines will arrive in the country in two batches, 3.5 million and 1.5 million doses, pending approval from the South African Health Products Regulatory Authority (SAHPRA) under a Section 21 application.
In a statement issued on Wednesday, Steenhuisen said the department has secured all matched vaccines currently available on the international market to ensure access to a steady supply.
“We will push forward to make sure that we achieve our goal – vaccinate the national herd to achieve World Organisation of Animal Health (WOAH) recognition of FMD-free status with vaccination. This will allow us to access international markets for South African red meat that have been closed for decades due to FMD,” Steenhuisen said.
Strategic vaccine allocation
In order to effectively manage the vaccine rollout, the Minister said the Department of Agriculture is implementing a scientific, targeted allocation strategy based on animal risk and population figures.
Under this approach, the latest batch of vaccines will be distributed as follows: The Eastern Cape has been allocated 135 400 doses; Free State 182 400 doses; Gauteng 124 800 doses; KwaZulu Natal 192 000 doses; Mpumalanga 144 000 doses; North West 182 400 doses; Western Cape 150 000 doses; Northern Cape 100 000 doses; and Limpopo 150 000 doses.
Additional allocations have been set aside for key agricultural sectors to ensure the continuity of our food supply chain, including 100 000 doses for the dairy industry, 150 000 for feedlots, and 150 000 for the pig industry. A further 239 000 doses will be reserved for immediate emergency deployment where required.
The Minister said strengthened surveillance and faster reporting systems, which allows the department to capture data from provinces more quickly, are critical to these efforts.
“We continue to work closely with the private sector and industry bodies to ensure that our vaccination drive remains efficient and reaches every corner of our country,” Steenhuisen said.
Since February 2026, South Africa has received four million FMD vaccine doses, including 2.5 million from Biogénesis Bagó and 1.5 million from Dollvet.
This is in addition to the 2 million vaccine doses imported in the last quarter of 2025. This has ensured the vaccination of more than 2.1 million animals nationwide.
On 10 April 2026, Minister Steenhuisen officially announced the intention to publish the Routine Vaccination Scheme for Foot and Mouth Disease (RVS-FMD) under Section 10 of the Animal Diseases Act, 1984 (Act No. 35 of 1984).
The department said the deadline for comments was 17 April 2026, and the submissions that have been received are currently being evaluated and consolidated, following which the final scheme will be published.
Global context
FMD outbreaks remain a global concern and are not unique to South Africa. Recent cases have been reported in parts of Europe, the Middle East, and the Asia-Pacific region, including in Greece, China, Cyprus, Israel, and most recently Germany.
The SAT1 topotype 3 strain currently affecting South Africa has also been detected in several countries, including Turkey, Azerbaijan, Lebanon, Israel, Cyprus, and Syria between late 2025 and early 2026. – SAnews.gov.za
