OPEC Fund Development Forum 2025: A Global Call for Inclusive Growth, Equitable Transition and South-South Cooperation

The OPEC Fund for International Development (the OPEC Fund) (www.OPECFund.org) will convene global leaders, policymakers and innovators for its fourth Development Forum on Tuesday, June 17, 2025, in Vienna, Austria, under the theme A Transition that Empowers Our Tomorrow. The Forum will spotlight inclusive growth, climate resilience and the power of South-South cooperation in advancing equitable and sustainable development.

OPEC Fund President Abdulhamid Alkhalifa will open the Forum alongside President Mohamed Ould Ghazouani of Mauritania and Minister of Finance Mohammed Aljadaan of Saudi Arabia. Senior government officials from across Africa, Asia, the Middle East, Latin American and the Caribbean, along with heads of multilateral institutions, will join forces to drive solutions to some of the world’s most pressing challenges.  

President Alkhalifa said: “Today’s interconnected crises – from climate change to economic volatility – demand institutions that are agile, responsive and resolute. The OPEC Fund stands firmly with our partners and with the Global South. Our Development Forum is not just a platform for dialogue – it is a catalyst for collective action and transformative impact. Together, we can transform adversity into opportunity.”

The 2025 Forum will tackle four high-impact themes: financing development, climate resilience, digital inclusion and sustainable transitions for vulnerable economies. Sessions will focus on generating actionable ideas and partnerships that can accelerate progress toward the delivery of the Sustainable Development Goals. A series of cooperation agreements will be signed to further strengthen South-South partnerships.

Confirmed speakers at the OPEC Fund Development Forum include the Vice-President and Minister of Finance of the Republic of Botswana, Ndaba Nkosinathi Gaolathe, the Prime Minister of São Tomé and Príncipe, Américo d’Oliveira dos Ramos; the Prime Minister of the Solomon Islands, Jeremiah Manele; the Minister of Finance of Nigeria, Adebayo Olawale Edun; the Minister of Economy of Azerbaijan, Mikayil Jabbarov; the  Minister of Planning and International Cooperation of Guinea, Ismaël Nabé; the Minister of Finance of Nepal, Ghanshyam Upadhyaya; and the Minister of Finance and Economic Planning of Rwanda, Yusuf Murangwa.

Institutional leaders participating include the President-elect of the African Development Bank (AfDB) and current President of the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa (BADEA), Sidi Ould Tah; the Executive President of CABEI,  the Central American Bank for Economic Integration, Gisela Sánchez; the Executive President of CAF, Development Bank of Latin America and the Caribbean, Sergio Díaz-Granados; the President of the Caribbean Development Bank, Daniel M. Best, and the Chairman of the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB), Muhammad Sulaiman Al Jasser.  

On June 16, one day prior to the Development Forum, the OPEC Fund will host the annual meeting of the Heads of Institutions of the Arab Coordination Group (ACG), followed by a high-level roundtable on Mauritania with President Ghazouani to mobilize coordinated support for Mauritania’s national development priorities, particularly in energy, food security and infrastructure.

The week’s activities will culminate with the OPEC Fund Ministerial Council and Governing Board meetings on June 18, where new projects supporting sustainable development will be approved.

For the full agenda and speaker list of the OPEC Fund Development Forum 2025, visit: https://apo-opa.co/4mYxTjp

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of OPEC Fund.

Contact:
Telephone: +43-1-515 64-0
Fax: +43-1-513 92 38
www.OPECFund.org

About the OPEC Fund:
The OPEC Fund for International Development (the OPEC Fund) is the only globally mandated development institution that provides financing from member countries to non-member countries exclusively. The organization works in cooperation with developing country partners and the international development community to stimulate economic growth and social progress in low- and middle-income countries around the world. The OPEC Fund was established in 1976 with a distinct purpose: to drive development, strengthen communities and empower people. Our work is people-centered, focusing on financing projects that meet essential needs, such as food, energy, infrastructure, employment (particularly relating to MSMEs), clean water and sanitation, healthcare and education. To date, the OPEC Fund has committed more than US$29 billion to development projects in over 125 countries with an estimated total project cost of more than US$200 billion. The OPEC Fund is rated AA+/Outlook Stable by Fitch and S&P Global Ratings. Our vision is a world where sustainable development is a reality for all.

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La Chambre Africaine de l’énergie (AEC) lance des services de conseil spécialisés pour soutenir les investissements énergétiques en Afrique

La Chambre africaine de l’énergie (AEC) (EnergyChamber.org), qui représente le secteur énergétique africain, a lancé des services de conseil spécialisés pour soutenir le développement du secteur énergétique africain. Conformément à la mission plus large de l’organisation, qui consiste à améliorer le paysage du secteur énergétique africain et à soutenir un environnement commercial axé sur les résultats pour les entreprises opérant sur ce marché, ces services sont adaptés aux secteurs du pétrole, du gaz et de la pétrochimie, et accompagnent les clients tout au long du cycle de vie de leurs projets.

S’appuyant sur la présence étendue de l’AEC en Afrique et à l’international, les services de conseil soutiendront les transactions commerciales, les investissements étrangers et les fusions et acquisitions (M&A) en Afrique, et visent à réduire la pauvreté énergétique en libérant davantage de valeur des ressources du continent. Les capacités de l’AEC dans ce domaine comprennent l’aide à la planification et à l’exécution de projets, les études de faisabilité et la modélisation financière, ainsi que les stratégies de coordination et de communication avec les parties prenantes. L’AEC propose également des services liés à l’application des meilleures pratiques du secteur afin d’optimiser les rendements et de stimuler la croissance, ainsi que des conseils en matière de conformité réglementaire, d’entrée sur le marché et d’atténuation des risques. Ces services permettront non seulement aux clients d’investir de manière stratégique sur les principaux marchés africains, mais aussi de maximiser leur retour sur investissement, d’accroître leur rentabilité et de poursuivre leur expansion sur le continent.

Au-delà des services de conseil, l’AEC offre également une expertise spécialisée dans l’identification et l’exécution d’opportunités d’investissement à forte valeur ajoutée tout au long de la chaîne de valeur pétrolière en Afrique. Tirant parti de sa présence internationale, de son expertise sur les marchés stratégiques africains et de ses solides relations avec les secteurs public et privé, l’organisation s’engage à soutenir des investissements mutuellement avantageux en Afrique. Les principales compétences de l’AEC dans ce domaine comprennent la création et le conseil en matière d’investissements en amont, en milieu de chaîne et en aval ; les études de préfaisabilité, la représentation des entrepreneurs et la structuration de projets ; les services techniques, notamment l’ingénierie, la maintenance et l’approvisionnement en matériaux ; et la planification stratégique et l’accompagnement opérationnel afin de maximiser la performance des investissements. Ces services fournissent non seulement aux financiers internationaux et aux développeurs de projets les outils dont ils ont besoin pour réussir en Afrique, mais ils soulignent également le rôle que joue l’AEC en tant que partenaire de choix pour les acteurs du secteur de l’énergie à la recherche d’opportunités de croissance sur le continent.

Ces services interviennent à un moment où le secteur énergétique africain est sur le point de connaître une croissance significative, les opérateurs internationaux élargissant leurs portefeuilles, les acteurs régionaux augmentant leurs investissements et la demande de pétrole continuant de croître sur tout le continent. Le rapport « State of African Energy 2025 Outlook » de l’AEC montre que les investissements resteront solides en 2025, avec des dépenses d’investissement totales estimées à 43 milliards de dollars. D’ici 2030, les investissements devraient atteindre 54 milliards de dollars, soulignant l’attractivité du continent en tant que destination pour les investissements énergétiques. Parallèlement, les activités de fusion-acquisition en Afrique ont connu une croissance robuste, avec une hausse de 73 % au premier trimestre 2024 par rapport à 2023. Cette évolution s’explique en grande partie par l’intérêt croissant des compagnies pétrolières nationales (CPN) d’Asie et du Moyen-Orient pour l’Afrique, ainsi que par l’expansion régionale des CPN africaines.

À l’avenir, les activités de fusion-acquisition devraient continuer à croître, les entreprises recherchant de nouvelles opportunités sur les marchés établis et émergents. En réponse, les pays africains offrent de plus en plus d’opportunités d’investissement. En Afrique du Nord, il s’agit notamment des prochains appels d’offres en Libye (22 blocs), en Égypte (12 blocs) et en Algérie (6 blocs). En Afrique orientale et australe, il s’agit notamment de l’Angola (10 blocs) et de la Tanzanie (24 blocs), tandis que l’Afrique du Sud devrait ouvrir des zones offshore et onshore. La Mauritanie se prépare également à lancer un cycle d’octroi de licences pour 15 blocs, tandis que le Nigeria et le Liberia ont tous deux lancé des appels d’offres en 2024. À mesure que les opportunités commerciales continuent de s’ouvrir, les pays réforment également leurs politiques réglementaires et fiscales afin d’attirer les investissements grâce à des conditions compétitives. Compte tenu de la complexité des transactions pétrolières et gazières, il est impératif de comprendre ces changements ainsi que les environnements réglementaires respectifs des pays africains. Grâce à sa gamme de services d’investissement et de conseil, l’AEC est un partenaire solide pour les entreprises qui souhaitent investir et conclure des accords en Afrique.

« L’AEC s’est donné pour mission de faire de la pauvreté énergétique en Afrique une chose du passé. Pour y parvenir, l’organisation s’est engagée à travailler en étroite collaboration avec les gouvernements africains, les opérateurs internationaux et les bailleurs de fonds. Grâce à son expertise sectorielle, ses compétences techniques et sa connaissance du marché, l’AEC permet à ses clients de créer de la valeur, de gérer les risques et d’atteindre une croissance durable sur des marchés énergétiques complexes », déclare NJ Ayuk, président exécutif de l’AEC.

Distribué par APO Group pour African Energy Chamber.

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President Ramaphosa to visit flood-affected areas in the Eastern Cape

Source: President of South Africa –

President Cyril Ramaphosa will tomorrow, Friday, 13 June 2025, visit flood-affected areas in the Eastern Cape following rising casualties and damage to infrastructure caused by the severe weather which has engulfed the OR Tambo and Amathole District Municipalities.

The President is being kept abreast by Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs Velenkosini Hlabisa and Eastern Cape Premier Oscar Mabunyane on search and rescue efforts, and additional support needed to comprehensively respond across all levels to the devastating disaster.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has expressed his sadness at the loss of lives and conveyed heartfelt condolences to the bereaved families, affected communities and Eastern Cape residents at large.

President Ramaphosa will commence his oversight visit to the flood-affected sites accompanied by Minister Hlabisa, Premier Mabuyane and leaders of the disaster response.

The delegation will monitor progress on the response and will interact with affected communities on government’s support.

*MEDIA PROGRAMME*

Closed Briefing by the interdisciplinary National Disaster Management Team
Time: 11:00
Venue : O.R Tambo District Municipality Council Chamber

Site visits to the Dicoligny , Jumba High School and Slovo Park
Time: 11:30

(Media to be stationed from the first site visit)

Media logistical arrangements to the site visits can be directed to Khuselwa Rantjie, Eastern Cape Provincial Spokesperson – 082 728 7476

COGTA Ministry enquiries: Pearl Maseko-Binqose, Media Liaison Officer – 082 772 1709

Media enquiries: Vincent Magwenya, Spokesperson to the President – media@presidency.gov.za

Issued by: The Presidency
Pretoria

Burundi: Elections Without Opposition

Legislative and local elections in Burundi on June 5, 2025, took place in a context of severely restricted free speech and political space, Human Rights Watch said today. 

The Independent National Electoral Commission (Commission électorale nationale indépendante, CENI) announced on June 11 during a press conference that the ruling party had won 96.5 percent of votes and all elected national assembly seats. The ruling party also won almost every seat in the commune-level election. Ruling party officials and youths intimidated, harassed, and threatened the population and censored media coverage to secure a landslide victory. 

“Burundians voted in an atmosphere devoid of genuine political competition as the ruling party further consolidated power,” said Clémentine de Montjoye, senior Great Lakes researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Against a backdrop of growing discontent over a deepening economic crisis and systemic human rights failings, the ruling party took no chances in the elections.”

The National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie-Forces pour la défense de la démocratie, CNDD–FDD), in power since 2005, has sought to dismantle all meaningful opposition, including from its main rival, the National Congress for Freedom (Congrès national pour la liberté, CNL). Several opposition parties, including the CNL, the Patriots’ Council (Conseil des Patriotes, CDP), and the Union for National Progress (Union pour le progrès national, UPRONA) denounced irregularities in the vote. Senatorial and further local elections are scheduled for July 23 and August 25, respectively, and the next presidential polls will be in 2027.

In the days following the vote, Human Rights Watch spoke with local activists, journalists, private citizens, and a member of the ruling party’s youth league – the Imbonerakure – who spoke of intimidation and irregularities in both the lead-up to the election and during the voting.

Media reports and witness accounts indicate that the voting on June 5 was overwhelmingly dominated by the ruling party. “The Imbonerakure were in front of the polling station telling people to vote for the ruling party,” said a voter in the town of Bururi. “All the workers at the polling station were members of the ruling party. The head of the polling station himself told me to vote for the ruling party.” 

People interviewed in Bujumbura, the country’s largest city, Cibitoke, and Rumonge described similar scenes at their polling places. A Burundian civil society organization reported the same patterns in Bubanza, Gitega, Makamba, and Ngozi. “We were told to do everything necessary to make sure that people only voted for the CNDD-FDD,” the Imbonerakure member said. 

Opposition parties and witnesses said that opposition party representatives, journalists, and observers were prevented from entering polling places, including when votes were being counted. 

In several communes (municipalities), the number of votes cast reportedly exceeded the number of registered voters. Media and witnesses also reported ballot stuffing and the selective distribution of voter cards, excluding opposition members from voting.

A coalition of radio stations, television channels, and print or online media outlets coordinated coverage of the elections, reportedly funded by the Ministry of Communication, Information Technology and Media, and all content produced had to be submitted to a central editorial team, which censored reports that did not align with the official narrative, media reported. A journalist told Human Rights Watch that officials of the electoral body told the media “not to talk about irregularities.”

In December, the electoral commission barred opposition candidates, including members of the opposition Burundi for All (Burundi Bwa Bose in Kirundi) coalition and the CNL, from contesting the June elections, effectively sidelining major opposition voices. Some were able to appeal the decision at the Constitutional Court, but presidential runner-up and former leader of the CNL, Agathon Rwasa, was among those still barred from running.

In January 2024, the interior minister accused the CNL of collaborating with a terrorist organization, after which the party’s general assembly voted to remove Rwasa from leadership. In April 2024, Burundi adopted a new electoral code that significantly raised candidate registration fees and imposed a two-year waiting period for those leaving political parties before they can run again, effectively ensuring that Rwasa would not be eligible.

The authorities, aided by the Imbonerakure, forced the population to register to vote in late 2024, according to media reports and witness accounts. “The population wanted to show that they don’t see the point in this election, and tried to boycott the registration process,” said an observer in Cibitoke. “They were forced [to register], prevented from accessing markets, healthcare centers, administrative services or going to the fields. The Imbonerakure were everywhere to intimidate people.”

The African Union deployed an observation mission and issued a preliminary report on June 7 praising the “peaceful” conduct of Burundi’s legislative and communal elections. It also praised high voter turnout, the “climate of freedom and transparency,” and media coverage. This stands in stark contrast to the AU’s own normative framework on democracy, elections, and human rights, which emphasizes credible, inclusive, and transparent electoral processes. The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region and the Economic Community of Central African States also deployed observer missions. The Catholic Church, which has criticized previous elections, deployed observers but some were turned away from polling places.

General elections in May 2020 took place in a highly repressive environment, marred by allegations of irregularities. Throughout the pre-election period, Imbonerakure members committed widespread abuses, especially against people perceived to be against the ruling party, including killings, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, beatings, extortion, and intimidation. 

Burundians have told Human Rights Watch that they feel growing frustration at the ruling party’s governance, at a time when the population is facing a 40 percent annual inflation rate, chronic shortages, significant discrepancies between official and unofficial exchange rates, limited foreign currency reserves, and a fuel crisis that has crippled transport for years. The escalating conflict in neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo, which has jeopardized cross-border trade and prompted the arrival of over 70,000 refugees and asylum seekers since January 2025, as well as cuts in donor funding have further compounded the situation.

In February, Burundian authorities expelled the director and security officer of the United Nations World Food Programme from the country, after they reportedly advised staff to stock up on essential goods. Civil society and opposition figures continue to report ongoing harassment, extortion, arbitrary detention, and beatings by the Imbonerakure and the authorities as the government remains deeply hostile to perceived criticism. 

Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Burundi is a party, states, “Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity … [t]o vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors.”

“Burundi’s democracy has been hollowed out, with a ruling party unaccountable to its people and unwilling to tolerate dissent, even as economic desperation grows,” de Montjoye said. “Without credible opposition, this election only further entrenches authoritarian rule and pushes Burundians further into a deeply rooted governance crisis.”

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Human Rights Watch (HRW).

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The Islamic Corporation for the Insurance of Investment and Export Credit (ICIEC)-Supported Nakkaş-Başakşehir Motorway Wins TXF Social Infrastructure Deal of the Year 2024

The Islamic Corporation for the Insurance of Investment and Export Credit (ICIEC) (http://ICIEC.IsDB.org), a Shariah-compliant multilateral insurer and member of the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) Group, is proud to announce that the Nakkaş-Başakşehir Motorway Project in Türkiye has been named TXF’s Social Infrastructure Deal of the Year 2024, awarded during the TXF Global Awards Ceremony held on 11 June 2025.

This landmark project involves EUR 1.044 billion in non-recourse financing for the development of a 35-kilometer greenfield motorway in Istanbul Province—the final section of the Northern Marmara Motorway, a 450-kilometer corridor connecting Türkiye’s Asian and European regions. The public-private partnership is expected to significantly reduce traffic congestion, improve trade logistics, and cut commute times by up to 40 minutes.

The project aligns with multiple UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), notably SDG 8 (Decent Work), SDG 9 (Infrastructure), SDG 11 (Sustainable Cities), and SDG 17 (Partnerships), by creating jobs, modernizing transport infrastructure, and fostering international cooperation.

ICIEC played a pivotal role in the financial close by offering a comprehensive risk mitigation solution, including a EUR 74 million Non-Honoring of Sovereign Financial Obligations (NHSFO) policy to Standard Chartered and Deutsche Bank, and Equity Investment Insurance to Korean investors.

“This award reflects the strength of our partnership with the Government of Türkiye, our member institutions, and the private sector,” said Dr. Khalid Khalafalla, CEO of ICIEC. “We are particularly proud to have supported this project alongside other Export Credit Agencies and Multilateral Development Banks—most notably our parent institution, the Islamic Development Bank, and our sister entity, the Islamic Corporation for the Development of the Private Sector. Together, we leveraged synergies to mobilize Islamic finance and de-risk strategic infrastructure. Congratulations to all parties involved in delivering a project with lasting developmental impact.”

This transaction exemplifies ICIEC’s mission to provide innovative risk mitigation solutions that enable impactful trade and infrastructure investment across its 50 member states.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Islamic Corporation for the Insurance of Investment and Export Credit (ICIEC).

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Email: ICIEC-Communication@isdb.org

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About The Islamic Corporation for the Insurance of Investment and Export Credit (ICIEC):
ICIEC commenced operations in 1994 to strengthen economic relations between OIC Member States and promote intra-OIC trade and investments by providing risk mitigation tools and financial solutions. The Corporation is uniquely the only Islamic multilateral insurer in the world. It has led from the front in delivering a comprehensive suite of solutions to companies and parties in its 50 Member States. ICIEC, for the 17th consecutive year, maintained an “Aa3” insurance financial strength credit rating from Moody’s, ranking the Corporation among the top of the Credit and Political Risk Insurance (CPRI) Industry. Additionally, ICIEC has been assigned a First-Time “AA-“ long-term Issuer Credit Rating by S&P with Stable Outlook.  ICIEC’s resilience is underpinned by its sound underwriting, reinsurance, and risk management policies. Cumulatively, ICIEC has insured more than USD 121 billion in trade and investment. ICIEC activities are directed to several sectors – energy, manufacturing, infrastructure, healthcare, and agriculture.

For more information: visit: http://ICIEC.IsDB.org

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L’autoroute Nakkaş-Başakşehir, soutenue par la Société islamique d’assurance des investissements et des crédits à l’exportation (SIACE), remporte le prix TXF du meilleur projet d’infrastructure sociale de l’année 2024

La Société islamique d’assurance des investissements et des crédits à l’exportation (SIACE) (http://ICIEC.IsDB.org), assureur multilatéral conforme à la charia et membre du Groupe de la Banque islamique de développement (BID), est fière d’annoncer que le projet d’autoroute Nakkaş-Başakşehir en Turquie a été désigné « Meilleur projet d’infrastructure sociale de l’année 2024 » lors de la cérémonie de remise des prix TXF qui s’est tenue le 11 juin 2025.

Ce projet historique représente un financement sans recours de 1,044 milliard d’euros pour la construction d’une nouvelle autoroute de 35 kilomètres dans la province d’Istanbul, venant compléter le dernier tronçon de l’autoroute du Nord de Marmara – un corridor stratégique de 450 kilomètres reliant les régions asiatiques et européennes de la Turquie. Ce partenariat public-privé devrait considérablement réduire les embouteillages, améliorer la logistique commerciale et diminuer les temps de trajet de jusqu’à 40 minutes.

Le projet s’inscrit pleinement dans la réalisation de plusieurs Objectifs de développement durable (ODD) des Nations Unies, notamment l’ODD 8 (Travail décent et croissance économique), l’ODD 9 (Industrie, innovation et infrastructure), l’ODD 11 (Villes et communautés durables) et l’ODD 17 (Partenariats pour la réalisation des objectifs), en créant des emplois, en modernisant les infrastructures de transport et en renforçant la coopération internationale.

La SIACE a joué un rôle déterminant dans le bouclage financier en proposant une solution complète d’atténuation des risques, notamment via une police d’assurance contre le non-respect des obligations financières souveraines (NHSFO) de 74 millions d’euros au bénéfice de Standard Chartered et Deutsche Bank, ainsi qu’une assurance investissement en fonds propres destinée aux investisseurs coréens.

« Ce prix témoigne de la solidité de notre partenariat avec le gouvernement turc, nos institutions membres et le secteur privé », a déclaré le Dr Khalid Khalafalla, Directeur Général de la SIACE. « Nous sommes particulièrement fiers d’avoir soutenu ce projet aux côtés d’autres agences de crédit à l’exportation et de banques multilatérales de développement, notamment notre institution mère, la Banque islamique de développement, et notre entité sœur, la Société islamique pour le développement du secteur privé. Ensemble, nous avons su exploiter les synergies pour mobiliser la finance islamique et réduire les risques liés à des infrastructures stratégiques. Félicitations à toutes les parties prenantes qui ont contribué à la réalisation de ce projet à fort impact pour le développement durable. »

Cette transaction illustre la mission de la SIACE: fournir des solutions innovantes d’atténuation des risques permettant des investissements commerciaux et d’infrastructures à fort impact dans ses 50 États membres.

Distribué par APO Group pour Islamic Corporation for the Insurance of Investment and Export Credit (ICIEC).

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E-mail: Rbinhimd@isdb.org

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À propos de la SIACE :
La SIACE a commencé ses activités en 1994 avec pour mission de renforcer les relations économiques entre les États membres de l’OCI et de promouvoir le commerce et l’investissement intra-OCI à travers l’assurance-crédit et l’assurance investissement. La SIACE est le seul assureur multilatéral islamique au monde et s’est imposée comme un acteur de premier plan dans la fourniture d’une gamme complète d’outils de réduction des risques au service du commerce et des investissements transfrontaliers pour ses 50 États membres. Pour la 17ᵉ année consécutive, la SIACE a maintenu la notation de solidité financière « Aa3 » attribuée par Moody’s, la plaçant parmi les leaders de l’industrie de l’assurance-crédit et d’assurance des risques politiques. En outre, la SIACE s’est vu attribuer pour la première fois une notation de crédit à long terme de « AA- » avec une perspective stable par S&P Global Ratings. La résilience de la SIACE repose sur des pratiques de souscription rigoureuses, des accords de réassurance solides et un cadre de gestion des risques performant. Depuis sa création, la SIACE a assuré cumulativement plus de 121 milliards de dollars américains en opérations commerciales et en investissements, soutenant des secteurs clés tels que l’énergie, l’industrie manufacturière, les infrastructures, la santé et l’agriculture.

Pour plus d’informations, veuillez visiter : http://ICIEC.IsDB.org

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Le Ministre de l’Industrie et des Petites et Moyennes Entreprises (PME) de la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC), Louis Watum, prendra la parole à la DRC Mining Week à Lubumbashi


Son Excellence l’Ingénieur Louis Watum, Ministre de l’Industrie et du Développement des Petites et Moyennes Entreprises de la RDC, est le dernier membre du gouvernement de haut niveau confirmé comme intervenant et invité VIP à l’occasion de l’édition 2025 de la DRC Mining Week, qui se tiendra à Lubumbashi du 11 au 13 juin. Le ministre Watum, figure bien connue et très respectée du secteur minier, devrait s’exprimer lors de la conférence, rencontrer des dirigeants de compagnies minières et des investisseurs, et visiter l’espace d’exposition afin d’échanger avec les exposants et sponsors qui y présenteront des technologies et des solutions de classe mondiale pour le secteur.

« Félicitations à la DRC Mining Week pour son 20ᵉ anniversaire, une étape majeure », déclare le ministre Watum, ajoutant que « l’événement n’a cessé de se renforcer, et cela reflète la vitalité du secteur. »

Il poursuit : « C’est toujours un plaisir de participer à la DRC Mining Week et d’y retrouver de nombreux visages familiers ; mais il y a également beaucoup de nouveaux visages, ce qui est un très bon signe, un signe de progrès et de croissance. L’industrie minière est essentielle pour notre économie, particulièrement dans cette région, et de nombreuses PME ont la possibilité d’offrir de l’emploi, de faire croître le secteur et de jouer un rôle important dans la montée en compétences des hommes et des femmes qui ont la mine dans le sang. »

Avant d’entrer au gouvernement, le ministre Watum a connu une brillante carrière de plus de 20 ans dans l’industrie minière au Mali et en RDC, notamment au sein du projet Kibali de Randgold et chez Ivanhoe Mines en tant que Directeur Général de Kamoa Copper SA.

Les organisateurs de la DRC Mining Week ont également annoncé précédemment que la Première Ministre de la RDC, Son Excellence Madame Judith Suminwa Tuluka, ainsi que le Ministre des Mines, Son Excellence Monsieur Kizito Pakabomba Kapinga Mulume, seront présents lors de cet événement de longue date prévu pour la semaine prochaine.

Depuis sa création, la DRC Mining Week est devenue la plus grande plateforme dédiée au secteur minier et aux infrastructures en RDC et dans le Copperbelt, réunissant plus de 11 500 participants venus de plus de 50 pays. Placée sous le thème : « 20 ans à façonner l’industrie minière en RDC : investir dans le développement des infrastructures et la sécurité énergétique – Vision 2025–2030 », cette édition marquante mettra en lumière les avancées réalisées et les opportunités futures. Avec l’industrie minière au cœur de l’industrialisation du pays, l’accent sera mis sur l’investissement, le développement des infrastructures et la sécurité énergétique pour stimuler la croissance à long terme.

Un soutien de longue date

« Accueillir de nouveau S.E. l’ingénieur Watum à la DRC Mining Week, c’est comme accueillir un membre de la famille », affirme Samukelo Madlabane, Directeur des Événements – Secteur Minier au sein du groupe VUKA, organisateur de l’événement. Il ajoute : « L’expérience du ministre dans le secteur est inestimable pour un événement comme le nôtre. Nous attendons avec impatience son allocution ministérielle. Notre 20ᵉ anniversaire n’aurait pas été possible sans le soutien précieux et constant du gouvernement envers cet événement, qui favorise la collaboration et le développement du secteur minier depuis plus de deux décennies. »

Une visibilité stratégique

Plus de 11 500 professionnels du secteur minier, locaux et internationaux, sont attendus cette semaine à la DRC Mining Week, promettant une visibilité précieuse et des opportunités de contacts pour les partenaires participants.

L’événement propose un large éventail de contenus enrichissants et d’opportunités pour rencontrer des partenaires et clients existants ou potentiels dans les secteurs minier et extractif, notamment :

  • Forum sur l’investissement énergétique ;
  • Sessions de conférences de haut niveau, avec des thématiques telles que : la Feuille de route minière 2025–2030 ; groupe d’experts ; dynamiques de marché et volatilité des prix ; et positionnement de la RDC comme pays minier leader ;
  • D’innombrables opportunités de rencontres et de réseautage pour plus de 1 300 décideurs de haut niveau, dont des dirigeants miniers et représentants gouvernementaux ;
  • Une vaste exposition avec plus de 280 sponsors et exposants présentant les dernières technologies et services éprouvés pour le secteur, dont 9 pavillons nationaux ;
  • Forum ministériel (sur invitation uniquement) ;
  • Forum d’affaires du gouvernement américain (sur invitation uniquement) ;
  • Forum d’affaires de l’Union européenne (sur invitation uniquement) ;
  • Forum des ambassadeurs et déjeuner d’affaires de réseautage (sur invitation uniquement) ;
  • Forum des PDG – Executive Business Forum (strictement sur invitation) ;
  • Forum sur l’investissement dans la chaîne de valeur ;
  • Forum sur le développement régional ;
  • Forum Femmes & Leadership dans les mines — toujours très attendu et point fort de l’événement ;
  • Dîner de gala prestigieux (réservé aux détenteurs de billets) ;
  • Visite du site de Kamoa (complet).

Le programme complet de l’édition 2025 de la DRC Mining Week est disponible sur le site de l’événement. Cliquez ici (https://apo-opa.co/4mXh9ZJ).

Soutien de l’industrie

Comme c’est désormais la tradition, la DRC Mining Week bénéficie cette année encore d’un large soutien du secteur et d’un appui institutionnel solide, notamment de la part de ses partenaires officiels : le Ministère des Mines de la RDC et la FEC (Fédération des Entreprises du Congo). Ses principaux sponsors incluent Standard Bank en tant que sponsor principal. Les sponsors diamant plus sont : Ecobank, Equity BCDC, Kamoa Copper S.A., Glencore, Kamoto Copper Company S.A. et MUMI. Parmi les maisons minières présentes cette année, on compte notamment Barrick, CMOC, ERG Africa, Gécamines, Ivanhoe Mines et MMG.

Dates et lieu de la DRC Mining Week

  • Exposition et conférence : du 11 au 13 juin 2025
  • Déjeuner de clôture : 14 juin 2025 (strictement sur invitation)
  • Lieu : Hôtel Pullman Grand Karavia, Lubumbashi, RDC

Distribué par APO Group pour Vuka Group.

Réseaux Sociaux :
Site web : http://www.DRCMiningWeek.com
Twitter : https://apo-opa.co/3HFrGJ5
Facebook : DRC-Mining-Week
LinkedIn : https://apo-opa.co/43EeVHg

À propos de DRC Mining Week :
DRC Mining Week
 est organisé par The VUKA Group (anciennement Clarion Events Africa), un organisateur basé au Cap, maintes fois primé, spécialisé dans les salons, conférences et événements digitaux à travers le continent dans les secteurs des infrastructures, de l’énergie, des mines, de la mobilité, du e-commerce et de l’expérience client. Parmi ses autres événements phares figurent : DRC-Africa Battery Metals Forum, Nigeria Mining Week, Enlit Africa, Africa’s Green Economy Summit, Smarter Mobility Africa, ECOM Africa et CEM Africa.

Mining Review Africa, principal magazine mensuel et plateforme digitale dédiée à l’industrie minière africaine, est le partenaire média premium de l’événement.

5 great reads by South African writers from 30 years of real-life stories

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Hedley Twidle, Associate Professor and head of English Literary Studies, University of Cape Town

Across three decades of democracy, South Africa has – like many places undergoing complex and uneven social change – seen an outpouring of remarkable nonfiction. The Interpreters is a new book that collects the work of 37 authors, all of it writing (plus some drawing) concerned with actual people, places and events.

Soutie Press

The anthology is the product of many years of reading and discussion between my co-editor Sean Christie (an experienced journalist and nonfiction author) and me (a writer and professor who teaches literature, including creative nonfiction).

The book is a work of homage to the many strains of ambitious and artful writing that shelter within the unhelpful term “nonfiction”. These include: narrative and longform journalism; essays and memoir; reportage, features and profiles; life writing, from private diaries to public biography; oral histories, interviews and testimony.

To give an idea of the range, energy and risk of the pieces collected in the anthology, here I discuss five of them.

1. Fighting Shadows by Lidudumalingani

We debated for a long time which piece to start the anthology with, and ultimately went for this one, which begins:

One afternoon my father and the other boys from the Zikhovane village decided to walk across a vast landscape, two valleys and a river, to a village called Qombolo to disrupt a wedding.

It’s a quietly compelling opening. First of all, there is intrigue: why the disruption? It could also easily be the first sentence of a novel (maybe even one by famous Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe). And so we begin with a reminder of how storytelling is such a deep, ancient and fundamental part of societies – an impulse that long predates writing and moves across and beyond the fiction/nonfiction divide. (Lidudumalingani won the 2016 Caine Prize for a short story, so he works across both.)

Lidudumalingani has the stick fighting tradition at the centre of his piece. Soutie Press

Fighting Shadows is about the tradition of stick fighting, and how it’s transported from rural areas to urban ones. But it’s also about so much more, about “the dance between then and now”, as the writer puts it later on. The prose is so deft and graceful, as if the author is trying to match the “dance” of expert stick fighters with his own verbal arts. For me it’s a story that could only have emerged from this part of the world: it has a distinct voice, precision and poetry to it.

2. The End of a Conversation by Julie Nxadi

This is the shortest piece in the anthology, but for me one of the most affecting. It traces how a young girl comes to realise that the (white) family she is being brought up with are not really her family. She is the daughter of the housekeeper, the domestic worker:

I was not ‘the kids’. I was not their kin.

It’s probably best described as autofiction, a kind of writing that lies somewhere in the borderlands between autobiography and fiction. Nxadi has spoken of how she decided to write in a way that contained her own life story – the “heartbreak” of that moment – but was also able to carry and represent the experience of others who had gone through something similar.

Julie Nxadi. Soutie Press

The piece is also a product of the #FeesMustFall student protests (2015 onwards), when many young South Africans felt able to share unresolved, awkward or shameful stories for the first time.

The End of a Conversation is such a deft, wise and subtle handling of a difficult subject, with no easy targets or easy resolutions. Somehow the writer has found just the right distance – emotionally and aesthetically – from this moment of childhood realisation.

3. South African Pastoral by William Dicey

I co-own a pear farm with my brother. I attend to finances and labour relations, he oversees the growing of the fruit.

This essay by William Dicey thinks hard, very hard, about what it means to manage a fruit farm in the Boland (an agricultural region still shaped by South Africa’s divided past). It is one of the most frank and unflinching accounts of land and labour I’ve ever come across. The writer makes the point that he could easily have stayed in the city, lived in “liberal” circles and not thought about these issues much.

William Dicey. Soutie Press

But becoming a farmer confronts him with all kinds of difficult questions (How much should he intervene in the lives of his employees? In family and financial planning, in matters of alcohol abuse?) as he is drawn into an awkward but meaningful intimacy with others on the farm.

The US essayist Philip Lopate suggests that scepticism is often the tool for moving towards truth in personal nonfiction writing:

So often the “plot” of a personal essay, its drama, its suspense, consists in watching how the essayist can drop past his or her psychic defences toward deeper levels of honesty.

This is very much what happens in South African Pastoral, and why it is such a mesmerising piece (even while written in such a plain and restrained style).

4. Hard Rock by Mogorosi Motshumi

My co-editor said from the start we should include graphic nonfiction (drawn stories and comics) and I’m so grateful he did. Mogorosi Motshumi’s warm, zany but also harrowing account is about coming of age under apartheid and then the heady days of the 1990s transition.

Mogorosi Motshumi. Soutie Press

In his early career, Motshumi was widely known for his comic strips and political cartooning, but this graphic autobiography is far more ambitious. The style of drawing changes and evolves as the protagonist gets older; also, there is something intriguing about seeing weighty subjects like detention, disability, substance abuse and HIV/AIDS stigma approached through the eyes of a wry cartoonist with a keen sense of the absurd.

Hard Rock is a prologue to the graphic nonfiction memoir that he has been working on for many years, the 360 Degrees Trilogy. The first two instalments have appeared – The Initiation (2016) and Jozi Jungle (2022) – and I would urge anyone to seek them out. Mogorosi’s work is a major achievement in South African autobiography and life writing (or life “drawing”).

5. The Interpreters by Antjie Krog, Nosisi Mpolweni and Kopano Ratele

This co-authored piece is what gave the anthology its name. The Interpreters is a reflection on being a language interpreter during the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings (1996-1998) into gross human rights violations during white minority rule.

Kopano Ratele. Soutie Press

A series of individuals recall the challenges of that process. Sitting in glass booths in the middle of proceedings, they had to move across South Africa’s many official languages in real time, translating the words of victims, perpetrators, grieving families, lawyers and commissioners.

Antjie Krog and co-authors write about interpreting language. Brenda Veldtman

The chapter is also a reminder of how our English-language anthology faces the challenge of doing justice to a multilingual, multivocal society where all kinds of cultural translations happen all the time.

The piece is a blend of many people’s voices, testimonies and reminiscences. As such, it also seemed to symbolise the larger project of The Interpreters: trying to record, render and honour the many voices that make up our complex social world.

– 5 great reads by South African writers from 30 years of real-life stories
– https://theconversation.com/5-great-reads-by-south-african-writers-from-30-years-of-real-life-stories-258340

Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ibrahim Z. Bahreldin, Associate Professor of Urban & Environmental Design, University of Khartoum

What makes a public space truly public?

In Khartoum, before the current conflict engulfed Sudan, the answer was not always a park, a plaza or a promenade.

The city’s streets, tea stalls (sitat al-shai), protest sites and even burial spaces served as dynamic arenas of everyday life, political expression and informal resilience.

In a recently published article, I studied 64 public spaces across pre-war Greater Khartoum, revealing a landscape far richer – and more contested – than standard urban classifications suggest. Specifically, I uncovered four classifications: formal, informal, privately owned and hybrid spaces – each alive with negotiation and everyday use.

While some spaces were planned by colonial engineers or municipal authorities, many were carved out by communities: claimed, adapted and reimagined through use.

My research offers valuable insights into the design and planning of Africa’s cities. As they grow and face mounting political and environmental pressures, it’s time to rethink how public spaces are defined and designed – not through imported models, but by listening to the ways people already make cities public.


Read more: Sudan needs to accept its cultural diversity: urban planning can help rebuild the country and prevent future conflict


Across the African continent, cities are growing fast – but not always fairly. Urban expansion often privileges gated developments, mega-projects and high-security zones while neglecting the everyday spaces where most people live, work and gather.

In Sudan, these dynamics have been further complicated by conflict, displacement and economic instability. The ongoing war has disrupted not only governance, but also the spatial fabric of urban life.

My paper aims to invite those involved in planning policies and post-conflict reconstruction to move beyond formal, western-centric models that often overlook how publicness actually unfolds in African cities: through informality, negotiation and social improvisation.

Khartoum’s public spaces, as documented in my study, serve as diagnostic tools for understanding how cities survive crises, express identity and contest inequality.

In the wake of war and displacement, these spaces will play a role in shaping how Sudan rebuilds not just infrastructure, but social cohesion.

Pre-war Khartoum

Khartoum’s public spaces cannot be understood through conventional categories – like formal squares and urban parks – alone. These formal squares represent only one layer of a much more plural and negotiated urban reality.

Drawing on fieldwork and the documentation of 64 public spaces across Greater Khartoum, I identify four overlapping types that reflect how space is produced, accessed and contested.

1. Formal public spaces: These include planned parks, ceremonial squares, civic plazas and administrative open spaces, often relics of colonial or postcolonial urban planning. They are defined by order, visibility and regulation. Mīdān Abbas, originally an active civic space in the centre of Khartoum, repeatedly reclaimed by informal traders and protesters, is one example, illustrating how even the most formal spaces can become contested. It was notably active during Sudan’s April 1985 uprising, serving as part of a wider network of civic spaces used for political mobilisation. Informal traders consistently transformed it into a bustling marketplace, embedding everyday commerce and social exchange into the formal urban fabric.

2. Informal and insurgent spaces: These emerge beyond or against official planning logics – riverbanks used for gatherings, neglected lots transformed into social nodes or bridges appropriated by traders. They include spiritual sites like Sufi tombs, and protest spaces such as the sit-in zone outside the city’s army headquarters. These spaces reveal the city’s capacity for bottom-up urbanism and collective adaptation.

3. Privately owned civic spaces: Shopping malls, privately managed parks and cultural cafés fall into this category. While they appear public, they are often classed, surveilled (monitored through cameras or security presence) or exclusionary. The rise of these spaces coincides with the decline of state-managed urban infrastructure, reflecting the turn in Sudanese urban governance.


Read more: Sudan: the symbolic significance of the space protesters made their own


4. Public “private” spaces: These spaces blur lines between ownership and use. They include mosque courtyards, school grounds, building frontages or underutilised university lawns that serve as informal gathering points. Access here is governed less by law and more by social codes, trust or class.

Together, these typologies highlight that “publicness” in Khartoum is relational. It depends not only on who planned a space, but who uses it, how and under what conditions.

Planning in African cities must therefore move beyond fixed zoning maps to embrace the layered, fluid and lived nature of urban space.

Rebuilding, rethinking, resisting

Post-conflict reconstruction in Sudan – and elsewhere in Africa – must resist the allure of “blank slate” master plans. Those involve rebuilding cities from scratch with sweeping, top-down designs that ignore existing social and spatial dynamics.

Imported models, often guided by bureaucratic thinking or commercial incentives, risk erasing the very spaces where public life already thrives, albeit informally or invisibly.

Rather than imposing formality, planners should recognise and strengthen the informal and hybrid systems that sustain civic life, especially in times of instability.

Urban theorists working in and on the global south, such as AbdouMaliq Simone and the late Vanessa Watson, have long argued for planning frameworks that centre on everyday practices, adaptive use and spatial justice.

Khartoum offers a compelling case.

From the sit-ins of 2019 to tea stalls run by displaced women, public spaces in Sudan are not inert backdrops. They are active platforms of everyday life, resistance, care and community-making.

Reconstruction must begin by asking: what spaces mattered to people before the war? Which ones fostered inclusion, dignity and visibility? Only then can new urban futures emerge, ones that are rooted in the practices of those who have always made the city public, even when the state did not.

What makes spaces truly public?

The public realm in Sudan has always been shaped through negotiation, sometimes with the state, often despite it.

Rebuilding after war is not only about reconstructing buildings but also about reimagining the terms of belonging.

This requires a shift from viewing public space as a fixed asset to understanding it as a dynamic process. Who gets to gather, to speak, to rest, to protest – these are the true measures of publicness.

Understanding Khartoum’s pre-war public spaces isn’t a nostalgic exercise. It’s a necessary step towards building more inclusive, resilient and locally grounded cities in the wake of crisis.

– Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together
– https://theconversation.com/khartoum-before-the-war-the-public-spaces-that-held-the-city-together-258632

Ngũgi wa Thiong’o and the African literary revolution

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Simon Gikandi, Professor of English and Chair of the English Department, Princeton University

The passing of celebrated Kenyan writer and scholar Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o on 28 May 2025 marks the end of a remarkable period in African literary history – the fabulous decades in the second half of the 20th century when African writers came to command the world stage.


Read more: Five things you should know about Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, one of Africa’s greatest writers of all time


This was the time of what I call the African literary revolution. As a scholar of African literature and the author of many books and papers on Ngũgĩ, I have raised several questions about this period. Why and how did this revolution happen? What motivated this turn to the imagination as a tool of decolonisation? And what was Ngũgĩ’s role in this drama?

To answer these questions one must think of Ngũgĩ inside and outside a generational cultural project.

The African literary revolution

Accounting for this project is not difficult. One can say for certain that in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as the African continent entered the last phase of decolonisation, writers and intellectuals became important actors in the fight for independence. They did so by quietly entering and occupying the spaces and knowledge systems that had until then been the preserve of colonial agents.

They used the work of the imagination to challenge colonial systems of thought and imagine decolonial alternatives. And what made this a period like no other in African literary history was a powerful sense of newness and the possibilities of a world yet to come. As the Nigerian writer and critic Chinua Achebe once put it:

There was something in the air.

Literature was asked to herald the possibilities and perils of freedom and Ngũgĩ was to play a major role in chaperoning the language of African being and becoming.

In the memoirs he wrote about his education, he would often return to his mental imprisonment in English literature and the mythology of Englishness.

Hidden in these narratives of colonial miseducation, however, was the discovery of the gift of African fiction brought by precursors. Nigeria’s Achebe and Cyprian Ekwensi and South Africa’s Peter Abrahams gave Ngũgĩ a model of how English could be used against Englishness.

Coming after these writers provided him with an alternative to the “Great Tradition” of English letters.

Reimagining Africa

As a student at Alliance High School in Kenya and later at Makerere University College in Uganda, Ngũgĩ positioned himself as part of a literary vanguard that was reimagining Africa.

His first major fiction was published in Penpoint, a pioneering journal of literature edited by students at the Makerere English department. He was a delegate to the 1962 Conference of African Writers held at the university, sharing the podium with writers who were to define the African culture of letters for several decades. He was one of the few writers at this historic conference without a major publication, but his presence seemed to signal the promise of the future.

Something else made this period distinctive: this was a time when African intellectuals, writers and politicians shared a common belief in the redemptive work of art and literature. At Makerere, Ngũgĩ had been preceded by Julius Nyerere, a translator of Shakespeare in Swahili who was to become president of Tanzania. At the same college, Apollo Milton Obote, future president of Uganda, had appeared in a 1948 production of Julius Caesar, the first performance of Shakespeare at the university.

And the contributors represented in Origin East Africa, an anthology of creative writing at Makerere, provide the most vivid example of the role writing and a literary education could come to play in the making of the postcolonial public sphere. Ngũgĩ had four stories published in the anthology, coming just after a short story by Ben Mkapa, future president of Tanzania.

Ngũgĩ belonged to a generation that saw literature as a forum for critique, of questioning dominant ideas and beliefs. In this context, creative writing was asked to perform at least four tasks:

  • to reimagine an African past whose resources might be rehearsed for the future

  • to rehearse the drama of decolonisation

  • to account for postcolonial failure

  • to produce fictions that might help readers rethink a global African identity.

Ngũgĩ’s novels rose to fulfil these tasks with conviction and courage. The River Between and Weep Not, Child dealt with the wounds of history. A Grain of Wheat and Petals of Blood were positioned in a zone where the figure of the new nation was caught between its aspirations and desires and the possibility of failure and betrayal. Wizard of the Crow was simultaneously an allegory of postcolonial failure and the possibility of its transcendence.

And then came banishment and exile.

The late career

Although he barely acknowledged it in his writings or in public, Ngũgĩ’s late career was defined by the realities of exile and an awareness of his own displacement from his primary audience and the Gĩkũyũ language that had energised his poetics.

He was celebrated and honoured in powerful American universities and institutions including the Library of Congress. He was recognised in the global African world and cited by the few African leaders like Ghana’s John Dramani Mahama who understood the need for a forceful response to racial ideologies.


Read more: Drama that shaped Ngũgĩ’s writing and activism comes home to Kenya


But he was a persona non grata in the one place – Kenya – where recognition mattered most to him.

In the end, there was a certain kind of belatedness in Ngũgĩ’s later fictions. The subject of these works and their points of reference were distinctly Gĩkũyũ, Kenyan, African, pan-African, and global. Nonetheless, these gestures of being African were enacted far away from the homelands in which Ngũgĩ’s writing and thinking was both intelligible and functional.

Imagining and writing about Africa away from Africa was a promise and debt. It was an obligation to a place but also a measure of one’s distance from it.


Read more: 3 things Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o taught me: language matters, stories are universal, Africa can thrive


I reflected on this problem as I reviewed Ngũgĩ’s 2006 novel set in an imaginary autocratic country, Murogi wa Kagogo (Wizard of the Crow), in its original Gĩkũyũ edition and later in its translation.

I was reading the same book, but it was pointing in two different directions – towards home and away from it.

In our many encounters, Ngũgĩ made fun of the fact that I seemed to have adopted alienation as the essential condition for thinking and writing. What he sought to do until the last minute of his life was carry within himself and his fictions that place that used to be home, its politics and poetics.

– Ngũgi wa Thiong’o and the African literary revolution
– https://theconversation.com/ngugi-wa-thiongo-and-the-african-literary-revolution-258428