Deputy President Mashatile to conduct Oversight Visit to the City of Johannesburg Water facilities

Source: President of South Africa –

In his capacity as the Chairperson of the Water Task Team, Deputy President Shipokosa Paulus Mashatile will tomorrow, 20 February 2026, conduct an Oversight Visit to the City of Johannesburg Water facilities in Midrand, Gauteng Province. 

The visit follows a meeting the Deputy President convened with Ministers and government officials to assess the water supply challenges across Gauteng. 

During this meeting, the Deputy President was briefed on latest developments in resolving the water challenges in the province, including the assurance by Rand Water that water pumping had since been restored and the supply is expected to progressively stabilise over time. 

Furthermore, the Deputy President has been informed that currently the bulk supplier continues to pump at full capacity, even though the Commando (which comprises Brixton, Crossby and Hursthill) and Soweto systems, in particular Doornkop and Meadowlands reservoirs, remain constrained with gradual improvement. 

Johannesburg Water continues to monitor all systems closely and implement the necessary interventions to stabilise supply. Alternative water is provided to affected areas in a coordinated manner together with affected Ward Councillors.

The scheduled Oversight Visit by the Deputy President is important as a measure to monitor progress and unlock bottlenecks to resolving the water challenges faced by the people of Gauteng. 

Details of the visit are as follows:
Date: Friday, 20 February 2026
Time: 09:00 (Media to arrive at 08:30)
Venue: Carlswald Reserviour Construction Site, Via Walton Rd (M71) Carlswald, Midrand; Whisken Ave Crowthorne, Midrand, (opposite Aquatic Zone Midrand Swimming School)

Media wishing to attend and cover the visit should please RSVP by sending: full name, ID number & media house by 16h00 today, 19 February 2026 to linahl@presidency.gov.za or 066 240 7635.

Media enquiries: Mr Keith Khoza, Acting Spokesperson to the Deputy President on 066 195 8840

Issued by: The Presidency
Pretoria

Le Président Ndayishimiye reçoit Hadja Lahbib commissaire de l’UE et le Docteur Mamadou Tangara chef de la Information et de la Stabilisation au Sahel (MIS Sahel)

Source: Africa Press Organisation – French


Le Président de la République du Burundi, Son Excellence Évariste Ndayishimiye, a reçu en audience, ce 19 février 2026 au Palais Ntare Rushatsi, une délégation de l’Union européenne conduite par Madame Hadja Lahbib, Commissaire européenne à l’Égalité, à l’État de Préparation et à la Gestion des crises; et s’est également entretenu avec le Docteur Mamadou Tangara, Représentant spécial du Président de la Commission de l’Union Africaine pour le Mali et le Sahel et Chef de Mission d’Information et de la Stabilisation au Sahel (MIS Sahel).

Avec la Commissaire Européenne, les échanges ont porté sur la situation humanitaire préoccupante des réfugiés congolais dans les sites de transit vers les camps d’accueil, les difficultés liées à l’acheminement de l’aide humanitaire, la réouverture de la frontière de Gatumba et la persistance de l’insécurité à l’Est de la République Démocratique du Congo.

Le Président Ndayishimiye a indiqué que le Gouvernement burundais a déployé tous les efforts nécessaires pour accueillir les réfugiés congolais fuyant les combats, malgré un afflux massif ayant dépassé ses capacités initiales d’accueil. Il a souligné que l’aide humanitaire n’a pas suivi le rythme des arrivées et a lancé un appel pressant aux partenaires pour un soutien accru en faveur de ces populations vulnérables.

Il a en outre rassuré que le Gouvernement ne ménagera aucun effort pour faciliter et sécuriser l’acheminement de l’aide aux nécessiteux. Des équipes techniques de la RDC et du Burundi travaillent conjointement sur les modalités de réouverture de la frontière de Gatumba, qui devrait intervenir prochainement.

L’entretien avec le Dr Mamadou Tangara a porté essentiellement sur la situation sécuritaire au Sahel. Le Représentant spécial est venu consulter le Président burundais, également Président en exercice de l’Union africaine, afin de recueillir ses orientations et conseils.

Les deux personnalités ont convergé sur la nécessité d’un dialogue inclusif et respectueux avec les dirigeants des pays concernés pour parvenir à une solution durable à l’insécurité au Sahel. Elles ont insisté sur l’importance de travailler en étroite collaboration avec les autorités nationales, rappelant qu’aucune solution ne peut être imposée sans l’adhésion des principaux acteurs concernés.

Distribué par APO Group pour Présidence de la République du Burundi.

Le Président Évariste Ndayishimiye reçoit les lettres de créance de trois nouveaux ambassadeurs accrédités au Burundi

Source: Africa Press Organisation – French


Le Président de la République du Burundi, Son Excellence Évariste Ndayishimiye, a reçu jeudi en audience au palais Ntare Rushatsi, trois nouveaux ambassadeurs venus présenter leurs lettres de créance, marquant ainsi une autre étape importante dans le renforcement des relations diplomatiques entre le Burundi et leurs pays respectifs.

Le Chef de l’État a d’abord reçu M. Victorino-Nka OBIANG MAYE, Ambassadeur désigné de la Guinée Equatoriale, venu lui aussi présenter ses lettres de créance en qualité d’Ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire, avec résidence à Brazzaville.

Leurs échanges ont mis en avant la volonté commune de consolider les relations d’amitié et de développer des partenariats mutuellement bénéfiques.

La seconde personnalité reçue est Sergey VLADIMIROVICH CHERNENKO, Ambassadeur désigné de la Fédération de Russie, venu présenter ses lettres de créance en qualité d’Ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire, avec résidence à Bujumbura.

Cette accréditation renforce la voie à une nouvelle dynamique de coopération bilatérale, notamment dans les domaines économique, éducatif et technologique.

Enfin, le Président Ndayishimiye a reçu M. Henry OUMA WAMBUMA, Ambassadeur désigné de la République du Kenya, venu présenter ses lettres de créance en qualité d’Ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire, avec résidence à Bujumbura.

Les discussions ont porté sur le renforcement de la coopération régionale, notamment dans le cadre de l’intégration est-africaine et des échanges commerciaux.

Au cours de ces différentes audiences, le Chef de l’Etat burundais a saisi cette occasion pour leur adresser ses félicitations pour la confiance placée en eux, materialisée à travers leur désignation à représenter leurs pays respectifs auprès du Burundi, avant de leur souhaiter plein succès dans le renforcement des relations bilatérales.

Distribué par APO Group pour Présidence de la République du Burundi.

Eritrea: Commendable Utilization of Health Facilities

Source: APO


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At an activity assessment meeting conducted on 17 and 18 February in the port city of Assab, it was reported that, as a result of growing public awareness on health issues, the utilization of health facilities in the Southern Red Sea Region has significantly increased.

At the meeting, in which Ms. Amina Nurhusein, Minister of Health, and Ambassador Mohammed-Seid Mantai, Governor of the Southern Red Sea Region, took part, heads of health facilities in the sub-zones presented reports focusing on achievements registered, the role of the community in successful health care provision, as well as the supply of medicines, human resources, and equipment. The participants conducted extensive discussions on the reports presented.

Dr. Ali Halo, Director of the Regional Health Office, stated that 87% of the charted program for 2025 has been implemented. Vaccination coverage has reached 87%, while vaccination for children under one year of age has reached 100%. He also noted that the number of pregnant women giving birth at health facilities has increased by 10%.

The participants of the meeting called for the introduction of surgical services at Tio and Idi hospitals, giving due attention to health infrastructure requiring renovation, and conducting regular inspections of unsafe medicines being sold in retail shops, among other measures.

Speaking at the event, Minister Amina indicated that efforts are underway to design short- and long-term plans to expand and develop health care provision, enhance human capacity through training, and introduce modern health facilities.

Ambassador Mohammed-Seid Mantai, on his part, commended the health care services being provided by mobile health practitioners and foot doctors in remote areas of the region.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Ministry of Information, Eritrea.

Eritrea: Central Region Assembly Regular Meeting

Source: APO


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The Central Region Assembly conducted its 24th regular meeting on 18 February under the theme “Our Disposition for Resilience and Development.”

Mr. Abraham Semere, Chairman of the Assembly, noting that development programs in all sectors should be aligned with the set objectives and stages of implementation, called on members of the Assembly to actively participate in the effort.

At the event, committees on economic development, social services, culture and tradition, as well as law and order presented detailed reports on activities implemented since the 23rd regular meeting.

Members of the Assembly conducted extensive discussions on the reports presented and adopted various recommendations. These included giving priority to programs aimed at addressing challenges faced by the public; strengthening tripartite relations to enhance educational capacity; continuing the ongoing renovation of asphalt roads; as well as supporting the renovation of social service institutions.

Mr. Zerit Tewoldebrhan, Managing Director in the region, gave a detailed briefing on programs for 2026. He stated that strengthening water and soil conservation, expanding water distribution pipelines, designing, and finalizing preparations for the construction of dams in four villages, and preparing tree seedlings for planting are among the development programs planned for 2026.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Ministry of Information, Eritrea.

La quête de la cuisson propre : il est temps que Agence internationale de l’énergie (AIE) se batte pour l’Afrique, et non contre elle

Source: Africa Press Organisation – French


Les États-Unis ont intensifié leurs pressions sur l’Agence internationale de l’énergie (AIE), laissant entendre qu’ils pourraient se retirer de l’institution si celle-ci ne se recentrait pas sur sa mission fondatrice, à savoir la sauvegarde de la sécurité énergétique mondiale.

Le secrétaire américain à l’Énergie, Chris Wright, a déclaré que Washington n’était pas satisfait de l’orientation actuelle de l’agence basée à Paris, arguant que ses modèles et ses perspectives étaient désormais trop influencés par l’idéologie climatique, au détriment des réalités énergétiques pratiques. Il a été très direct dans son message lorsqu’il a déclaré que l’AIE devait revenir à la priorité donnée à l’accès à l’énergie et aux solutions de cuisson propre réalisables.

Depuis des années, les dirigeants africains et les acteurs du secteur privé affirment que l’AIE s’est éloignée de son objectif initial, devenant de plus en plus politisée dans ses perspectives et contribuant à façonner des discours restrictifs sur le financement du pétrole et du gaz. La Chambre africaine de l’énergie (AEC) a toujours soutenu que ce changement a eu des conséquences réelles pour les économies en développement, contribuant à la fuite des capitaux des hydrocarbures africains et ralentissant la capacité du continent à lutter contre la pauvreté énergétique généralisée. Si l’AIE réévalue aujourd’hui sa position, la question est de savoir s’il s’agit d’une véritable réforme ou d’une opportunité politique face à la pression mondiale croissante.

Une histoire d’instrumentalisation des perspectives énergétiques

L’AIE a politisé ses perspectives et adopté un programme anti-pétrole et anti-gaz qui a directement sapé les ambitions de développement de l’Afrique pendant des années. Sa feuille de route pour atteindre la neutralité carbone en 2021, mise à jour en 2025, est devenue une arme utilisée par les financiers et les institutions multilatérales pour restreindre les flux de capitaux vers le secteur énergétique africain. Parmi les objectifs figurent l’arrêt des nouveaux investissements dans l’approvisionnement en combustibles fossiles après 2021 et la fin des ventes de chaudières à combustibles fossiles après 2025. Elle condamne également la vente de voitures à moteur à combustion interne après 2035, visant 60 % de ventes de voitures électriques et 50 % de camions lourds électriques à partir de 2035.

Ces mesures reposent sur de nombreuses hypothèses concernant l’état du monde, hypothèses qui sont erronées, en particulier pour l’Afrique. D’une part, elles nécessiteront un accès universel à l’énergie d’ici 2030, y compris à l’électricité et à la cuisson propre. Avec environ 592 millions d’Africains qui n’y ont actuellement pas accès, le continent aura du mal à inverser la tendance en moins de 10 ans.

La feuille de route de l’AIE repose également sur des investissements sans précédent dans les énergies renouvelables – une augmentation substantielle des investissements dans les énergies propres, qui passeront de 1 000 milliards de dollars au cours des cinq dernières années à 5 000 milliards de dollars par an d’ici 2030 – et sur la coopération de décideurs politiques unis dans leurs efforts. Dans le cadre de ce partenariat idyllique, les homologues occidentaux de l’Afrique tiennent de beaux discours. Mais le fait est qu’à ce jour, ces mêmes pays occidentaux n’ont investi que peu ou pas de fonds dans le secteur des énergies renouvelables en Afrique. À notre grande consternation, même les compagnies pétrolières internationales qui ont tenté d’accepter le coup de pub de l’AIE n’ont que peu ou pas de projets renouvelables en Afrique.

En réponse à la publication de la feuille de route de l’AIE, l’OPEP a déclaré : « Pour de nombreux pays en développement, la voie vers la neutralité carbone sans aide internationale n’est pas claire. Un soutien technique et financier est nécessaire pour garantir le déploiement des technologies et des infrastructures clés. Sans une coopération internationale accrue, les émissions mondiales de CO2 ne pourront pas atteindre la neutralité carbone d’ici 2050. »

Les dégâts causés par la feuille de route ont été considérables. Des financiers mondiaux tels que BNP Paribas et HSBC ont suspendu tout nouveau financement dans le secteur du pétrole et du gaz, tandis que des institutions telles que Barclays, Nedbank et Deutsche Bank ont décidé de financer des projets de manière sélective. En 2019, la Banque mondiale a également annoncé qu’elle mettrait fin à ses investissements directs dans le secteur amont du pétrole et du gaz. Alors que les pays africains se battaient pour le développement de ressources gazières stratégiques, l’un des plus grands opposants institutionnels du continent était l’AIE.

« Une banque devrait évaluer les investissements dans un champ pétrolier africain en fonction de la viabilité du projet et des risques associés, comme elle le ferait pour un projet norvégien, britannique ou américain. Or, ce n’est pas le cas. C’est précisément pour cette raison que l’AEC prévoit de tenir plusieurs banques légalement responsables de la promotion de l’apartheid financier dans le secteur de l’énergie », déclare NJ Ayuk, président exécutif de l’AEC.

Le défi de la cuisson propre

Avec plus de 900 millions de personnes en Afrique qui n’ont pas accès à des solutions de cuisson propre, la question de la sécurité énergétique n’est plus un défi isolé, mais un impératif stratégique. Si l’Afrique suivait les recommandations de l’AIE, aucun investissement ne serait réalisé pour relever ce défi. L’Europe n’aurait pas accès aux réserves de gaz africaines, rendant obsolètes des projets tels que Angola LNG, Congo LNG, Greater Tortue Ahmeyim au Sénégal/Mauritanie, le méga-hub gazier de Guinée équatoriale et les installations de production algériennes. À l’heure où Mozambique LNG reprend ses activités et où la Libye, l’Égypte et le Nigeria cherchent à produire davantage, les recommandations de l’AIE pourraient s’avérer catastrophiques pour la quête de cuisson propre en Afrique.

Dans son discours prononcé cette semaine lors de la réunion ministérielle 2026 de l’AIE, le secrétaire Wright a souligné qu’avec un investissement annuel de 4 milliards de dollars, le monde peut accélérer le déploiement de solutions de cuisson propre et sortir près de deux milliards de personnes de la pauvreté énergétique. Alors que l’AIE devrait être à l’avant-garde de cette initiative, le secrétaire Wright a souligné que l’accent mis sur le changement climatique a détourné des financements essentiels des hydrocarbures.

« Le monde dépense aujourd’hui 1 000 milliards de dollars au nom de la lutte contre le changement climatique, soit un total de plus de 10 000 milliards de dollars au cours des 20 dernières années. Quel en a été le bénéfice ? Seuls 2,6 % de l’énergie mondiale proviennent du solaire, de l’éolien, des batteries et des lignes de transport accrues pour les promouvoir. Cela n’a eu un impact significatif que dans les pays riches », a-t-il déclaré.

Un rapport publié en 2024 par le sénateur américain John Barrasso condamne davantage l’AIE pour son approche en faveur des énergies renouvelables, arguant que l’organisation est de plus en plus responsable d’alimenter l’idée irréaliste selon laquelle les économies émergentes peuvent se développer en utilisant uniquement des énergies renouvelables. Ce changement a commencé en 2020, lorsque l’AIE a cessé d’établir des prévisions sur le marché de l’énergie basées sur la demande réelle et a décidé de se concentrer exclusivement sur des scénarios hypothétiques alignés sur des objectifs extrêmes de réduction des émissions.

Cela va à l’encontre de la mission même pour laquelle l’AIE a été créée. À la suite d’une crise pétrolière et d’une flambée des prix en 1974, l’AIE a été créée afin de garantir un approvisionnement énergétique fiable, abordable et sûr dans le monde entier. L’histoire récente de l’organisation contredit cette mission.

« L’Afrique ne mettra pas fin à la pauvreté énergétique en abandonnant les ressources mêmes qui peuvent financer son développement. Le pétrole et le gaz ne sont pas le problème, c’est le sous-développement qui l’est. Des organisations telles que l’AIE ont joué un rôle central dans la restriction du financement, la politisation des combustibles fossiles et l’impact sur le développement énergétique africain. Cela doit cesser », ajoute Ayuk.

Un pas dans la bonne direction

Malgré son inaction historique, l’AIE semble aller dans la bonne direction en annonçant qu’elle accueillera la Clean Cooking Alliance (CCA) – lancée en 2010 – pour lutter contre la crise mondiale de la cuisson propre. L’AIE s’associera aux gouvernements et à l’industrie pour accélérer l’accès universel à la cuisson propre, en intégrant la CCA au sein de l’AIE. Les États-Unis renforcent également leur soutien à la cuisson propre. Le secrétaire Wright a annoncé le lancement d’un programme d’accélération de la cuisson propre afin d’aider à mettre en place des infrastructures permettant un déploiement plus rapide de solutions de cuisson propre, en se concentrant principalement sur l’Afrique. Bien que ces efforts soient notables, il reste encore beaucoup à faire.

« La réforme de l’AIE doit aller au-delà des communiqués de presse.

Elle doit inclure un réajustement des perspectives afin de refléter des voies de développement différenciées, un rejet des interdictions générales d’investissement et une reconnaissance du fait que les hydrocarbures africains sont compatibles avec les objectifs climatiques mondiaux », a déclaré M. Ayuk. « L’AEC estime que le secrétaire Wright doit renforcer son plan en faveur de la cuisson propre et de la lutte contre la pauvreté énergétique. Le secteur privé africain le financera. Nous ne voulons pas d’aide, nous voulons des partenariats. »

Distribué par APO Group pour African Energy Chamber.

Reply to the Debate on the State of the Nation Address by President Cyril Ramaphosa, Nieuwmeester Dome, Cape Town

Source: President of South Africa –

Speaker of the National Assembly, Ms Thoko Didiza,
Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces, Ms Refilwe Mtshweni-Tsipane,
Deputy President Shipokosa Paulus Mashatile,
Ministers and Deputy Ministers,
Honourable Members,
 
We are a nation of builders.
 
We are a nation that does not run away from problems. We confront them.
 
We do not lament and complain. We find solutions.
 
When faced with challenges, we do not fracture. We do not fall apart.
 
We unite and we work together to overcome those challenges.
 
And so, as we conclude this debate on the State of the Nation Address, our shared commitment to our country and to our people must guide our every action in the year ahead.
 
The State of the Nation Address is about building a stronger South Africa. It is about rising to the challenges that we face in our own country and around the world, and emerging more prosperous, more secure and more resilient.
 
There can be no doubt that we have made progress.
 
Over 30 years, we have fundamentally improved the lives of South Africans.
 
Over the last eight years our country faced some of the most difficult challenges. But working together, we have undertaken a programme of institutional renewal by stabilising what was weakened through state capture, restoring integrity and accountability, and rebuilding the capacity of the state to serve the people of South Africa.
 
We have overcome a global pandemic that led to the worst decline in our economy, where our GDP contracted by 6 percent.
 
We stood firm in the face of an attempted insurrection that was aimed at destabilising our democracy.
 
We rebuilt in the wake of catastrophic flooding, and brought to an end more than 15 years of load shedding.
 
Through effective macroeconomic management, we have been able to tackle an unsustainable debt burden, where we ended up spending more to service our debt than we spent on health or education.
 
To deal with all these challenges, we have had to rebuild the capacity of the state and to embark on major reforms, while addressing the immediate challenges that our people are facing. 
 
All these efforts have been aimed at improving the lives of our people and to create a conducive environment for our economy to grow.
 
And over the last year, we have seen promising signs of recovery.
 
We see this in reducing unemployment and accelerating growth. We see the signs of recovery in improved public finances, lower inflation and growing business and consumer confidence.
 
Although this progress is modest, the momentum of change is building.
 
Our task now is to sustain this momentum, to protect and build on the progress we have made, and to ensure that it results in a tangible improvement in the life of every South African. 
 
Improved economic indicators may seem distant and abstract, but they have a real impact on our lives.
 
Lower borrowing costs for the state frees up resources for health and education, for the police and for better services.
 
Reduced public debt enables the private sector to invest more of its capital in expanding production and jobs.
 
A lower inflation rate reduces the cost of living, enabling families to pay for food and other basic needs.
 
And a declining unemployment rate means an income for more families and hope for more young South Africans.
 
And yet, as we have heard in this debate, we still have a long way to go.
 
More than 10 million South Africans are estimated to live below the food poverty line.
 
More than 11 million people are unemployed.
 
These are not simply statistics. These are individuals, families and communities that are facing great hardship, that experience violence on a daily basis, that run short of food, that face water cuts and that long for a better life.
 
We can stand on the sidelines and lament, as some have done in this debate.
 
Or we can roll up our sleeves and work together to change this reality – to build a stronger economy that benefits all South Africans and to build and a more equal society in which all South Africans have a place.
 
The State of the Nation Address outlined the steps we are taking as the Government of National Unity, working together with all social partners and all sections of society, to achieve these objectives.
 
We are determined to reach every person in this effort. To leave no one behind.
 
Through the measures we are taking we are improving the lives of the youngest in our society.
 
Through the Child Support Grant, which reaches 13 million children, we are protecting millions of children from the worst effects of poverty. 
 
Through free primary health care for pregnant women and children under six, we are improving the health of children.
 
We are directing more resources to the early development of children.
 
We have increased the subsidy for early childhood development and made Grade R compulsory for all children, establishing a solid base for their entry into the education system.
 
And we are focusing on strengthening literacy and numeracy in the foundation phase.
 
And now through the measures we are putting in place to end child stunting, we will improve the developmental outcomes and the life prospects of millions of children.
 
These measures will fundamentally change the prospects of an entire generation of children and each generation that will follow.
 
On none of these issues is government working alone. We are working with social partners, service providers, NGOs, parents and communities.
 
At this moment, more than 3.5 million people between the ages of 15 and 24 are not in employment, education or training.
 
We are working together to change that.
 
In addition to the steady increase in the matric pass rate, more and more learners from schools in poor communities are passing and achieving university exemptions.
 
And more and more students from poor backgrounds are being supported to attend universities and colleges. In the five years from 2019 to 2024, funding from NSFAS nearly doubled from R27 billion to R54 billion.
 
Now we are undertaking a fundamental overhaul of our skills development system by embracing the dual skills development model that has served other countries that have reduced their unemployment levels extremely well.
 
This will produce the skills that our economy needs and enable more and more young people to find meaningful and lasting jobs.
 
We know that it will take many years for the economy to grow enough to create enough jobs for all those looking for work.
 
That is why we introduced initiatives like the Presidential Employment Stimulus, which has created more than 2.5 million work and livelihood opportunities since it was established in 2020.
 
The Youth Employment Service – which is a partnership between government and business – has given over 214,000 young people work experience opportunities in industries such as manufacturing, renewable energy, tourism, logistics, finance and the digital economy.
 
Over 5.7 million young people are now registered on the SA Youth platform. To date, over 2 million earning opportunities have been secured by young people on the platform.
 
These opportunities provide more than an income. They provide young people with skills and experience while contributing to social development.
 
These opportunities are making a real difference in millions of young people’s lives.
 
And they are helping to prepare them for a better future.
 
Yet we know that what will make the greatest difference in people’s lives are jobs and other livelihood opportunities.
 
What will make the greatest difference is accelerated economic growth. A growing economy means expanding opportunity and it means hope. 
 
We have not experienced the excitement and the promise of rapid growth for almost twenty years, but we are on the cusp of achieving it now.
 
We are focused on rebuilding the economy and driving investment.
 
We should not underestimate the scale of the task ahead nor diminish the progress we have made.
 
For our economy to grow, we are steadily addressing several impediments:
 
Severe load shedding was debilitating our economy, lowering production, raising costs and deterring investment. We have effectively ended load shedding. 
 
we have stopped load shedding unreliable power raises costs, stops production, and deters investment.
 
Overburdened infrastructure and inefficiency at our ports and on our rail lines have for years been reducing our competitiveness and harming our export industries. We are improving operational performance through investment, increased capacity and far-reaching reforms.
 
We are addressing the skills mismatch between what young people have and what our economy needs through an overhaul of our education and training system.
 
To respond to low levels of investment and policy uncertainty, we are strengthening policy formulation and reducing regulatory burdens.
 
We have had to tackle poor governance, diminished state capacity and corruption by focusing on the professionalisation of the public service, improved efficiency and the modernisation of our procurement system.
 
Crime and insecurity remain significant impediments to growth, which is why we are intensifying the fight against organised crime, gang violence, gun crime and gender-based violence.
 
Our economy has also been constrained by a challenging macroeconomic environment, which is why we have been reducing high debt service costs and supporting lower inflation and interest rates.
 
Perhaps one of the most immediate impediments to faster economic growth is dysfunctionality in many municipalities. We are addressing this through an overhaul of our local government system through the review of the White Paper, and through direct interventions in municipalities in trouble.  
 
The transformation of our network industries is the platform on which rapid inclusive economic growth will be achieved.
 
Already, South Africans are feeling the benefits of some of these changes, from the improved supply of electricity to the return to service of commuter rail lines to the reduction in the cost of data.
 
In 2022, we had 205 days of load shedding. In 2023, we had over 330 days. This was the most severe period in an energy crisis that stretched back more than 15 years. 
 
To address this crisis, we established the National Energy Crisis Committee, or NECOM.
 
There were groans from some quarters, who said: “Yet another committee”. 
 
We have heard the same tired refrain from some speakers in this debate.
 
Yet what NECOM did was to bring together all the key role-players to focus on the immediate tasks necessary to end load shedding, to restore the integrity of our power system and to lay the basis for stable, sustainable and universal access to electricity into the future.
 
It succeeded because it was able to draw on the skills, capabilities, resources and efforts of a broad range of departments and public institutions, as well the best experts in South Africa and around the world, and to build a platform for collaboration with social partners.
 
It was never about meetings and talk shops. It was about taking a hands-on approach to solving the problem, making sure that things actually get done and that they get done quickly.
 
The experience of NECOM shows that complex problems need collaborative solutions.
 
Now, through its generation recovery plan, Eskom has increased its average Energy Availability Factor (EAF) from 56 percent in April 2023 to around 65 percent at present.
 
There is currently a pipeline of more than 220 gigawatts of renewable energy projects at various stages of development.
 
The Minister of Electricity and Energy is leading the building of more than 14,000 km of new transmission lines, and an innovative new model for independent transmission projects.
 
For an economy that has long been held back by energy constraints, these developments are potentially transformative.
 
For homes that have suffered years of electricity supply interruptions, the end of load shedding is a relief. For businesses, it was the removal of an obstacle to growth.
 
The next phase of our energy transformation – the establishment of a fully independent state-owned transmission company – is a complex process and one of the most important reforms in our country’s history. It requires detailed technical work and strong coordination across different entities. That is why I have established a dedicated task team under NECOM which reports to me in which participates the presidency, minister of electricity and energy and his department, minister of finance and his department as well as Eskom to effectively manage and steer the process. 
 
The value in establishing these types of structures is to enhance intergovernmental cooperation as well as breaking down the Silos that are often given rise to in government.
 
Drawing on our experience in energy, we established the National Logistics Crisis Committee.
 
Thanks to the work of the NLCC, we have seen a turnaround in the performance of our freight rail lines and ports.
 
The volume of goods transported by rail is increasing year on year, and the efficiency of our port terminals has improved. 
 
Collaboration between Transnet and the private sector has, for example, seen a 50 percent reduction in security incidents on the coal line to Richards Bay. The total length of cable stolen has been reduced from 180 kilometres of stolen cables in 2024 to 59 kilometres in 2025.
 
The reform of our logistics system is well underway, through strong collaboration between the Department of Transport, the Presidency and National Treasury. 
 
This year will be a watershed moment for logistics reform, as private rail companies begin to operate on our freight rail network and major opportunities for private sector participation are initiated for port and rail infrastructure.
 
In undertaking these far-reaching changes, we are strengthening the state and we are rebuilding state-owned entities.
 
We are mobilising investment on a massive scale – from a range of public and private sources – into electricity generation and transmission, into our ports and our rail lines, and into our water infrastructure. We are mobilising new skills, new capabilities and new technologies.
 
Let us be clear: we are retaining public ownership of our strategic national assets.
 
Private train operators will carry freight on rail lines that are owned by the state.
 
Private electricity producers will provide electricity to consumers across a power grid that is owned by the state.
 
Through these changes, we are strengthening the financial position and the operational performance of entities like Eskom and Transnet. We are making them more competitive and more efficient. 
 
We will now apply the successful methodology that we have used in energy and logistics to other urgent challenges that confront South Africa today. 
 
We are already working to establish a National Water Crisis Committee to restore a reliable supply of water to municipalities that face disruptions right now, but also to ensure water security in the long term.
 
Like electricity and logistics, the crisis in water has many causes stretching back many years.
 
Like electricity and logistics, we have already embarked on far-reaching reforms that will fundamentally change the way the water sector functions and serves the people.
 
This will enable investment in water infrastructure to meet growing demand and build our resilience to climate change, alongside institutional reforms to enable greater investment and stronger regulation of water service delivery.
 
It will also require mobilising resources and expertise to support municipalities in crisis, and intervening more quickly and effectively where they consistently fail to meet set norms and standards.
 
The National Water Crisis Committee is building on work already done – by the Water Task Team chaired by the Deputy President, by Operation Vulindlela, by the Department of Water and Sanitation and by the respective municipalities.
 
To drive local production and create more jobs in sectors with great potential, we are finalising our National Industrial Policy, focusing on decarbonisation, diversification and digitalisation.
 
This will contribute to an economy that is equipped for the future, drawing on our vast capabilities and abundant natural resources.
 
As we build an economy for the future, a number of industries in our country are currently in distress
 
The Presidency, together with the Department of Trade, Industry and Competition, is working with individual companies and sectors to develop short term plans to stave off closure and save local jobs. 
 
Among the sectors involved are cement, autos, steel and pharmaceuticals. 
 
In addition, there are sectors – such as oil and gas – that require coordination across government departments and planning together with business and labour. 
 
In all these efforts, we have to show determination and urgency.
 
It is not only in the area of economic growth and transformation where collaboration, partnership and focus needs to play a key role.
 
We are also establishing a dedicated initiative to oversee the reform of the criminal justice system, learning from the successful model of Operation Vulindlela.
 
This initiative will be led by the best experts that our country has to offer. It will work closely with the South African Police Service, the National Prosecuting Authority, the Special Investigating Unit and other law enforcement agencies to drive a comprehensive reform programme.
 
Other countries, when faced with the threat of organised crime and the penetration of criminal syndicates, have been able to reform their criminal justice system and restore the rule of law. 
 
We have the resources and ability to do so in South Africa. We will not allow the criminals to prevail.
 
One of the most important developments in recent years has been the mobilisation of society to end the violence that men commit against women.
 
Faced with this pandemic of violence, South Africans came together to develop a National Strategic Plan against Gender-Based Violence and Femicide.
 
And since the adoption of the plan, government departments, agencies, NGOs, business organisations, sporting bodies and others have been working together to implement the six pillars of the plan.
 
They understand that gender-based violence and femicide cannot be stopped by government alone. It must be stopped by society.
 
Over the past five years, South Africa has made progress in critical areas. 
 
We have strengthened laws, expanded survivor-centred services through the Thuthuzela Care Centres, rolled out victim-friendly rooms at police stations, and invested in women’s economic empowerment as a critical pillar of prevention. 
 
For the first time, we have a national prevalence study that gives us clear evidence of the scale and drivers of gender-based violence. 
 
These gains matter and they show what is possible when the state and civil society act together.
 
The classification of gender-based violence and femicide as a national disaster enables all spheres of government to act with greater speed, reduces the fragmentation of effort and establishes a clear command, coordination and accountability framework.
 
It gives both government and broader society far greater capacity and impetus to implement the measures that I outlined in the State of the Nation Address.
 
These measures include the mobilisation of all sectors of society to challenge harmful attitudes and practices.  
 
We are continuing the extensive work already underway to promote women’s economic empowerment, strengthen law enforcement and scale up survivor-centred support.  
 
The Premiers who spoke during the debate highlighted the progress being made across the country in strengthening local economies, improving service delivery and investing in the future.
 
Provinces are taking the lead in infrastructure investment, from the resuscitation of Pilanesberg Airport in North West to the rehabilitation of roads and bridges in KwaZulu-Natal. Then there is the innovative partnership between the Limpopo provincial government and mining companies to mobilise funding for the construction and maintenance of local roads.
 
Provinces like Free State are investing in education, refurbishing and maintaining ECD centres, building new schools and hostels, and ensuring that all learners from poor communities attend no-fee schools and are part of the school nutrition programme.
 
Mpumalanga has launched the uBuhlebezulu E-Learning programme which is designed to bridge the digital divide through the use of smart devices. 
 
We welcome the initiative by KwaZulu-Natal to forge provincial skills compacts with the private sector in logistics, energy, construction and the digital economy.
 
We have also heard about how Mpumalanga is investing in health, appointing doctors to Community Health Centres and building new clinics and hospitals, including the Middelburg Regional Hospital and the Mapulaneng Hospital.
 
Limpopo is providing leadership on tackling the country’s water challenges, establishing operational ‘war rooms’ in the Mopani District, particularly in Giyani, to ensure that water reaches the remaining 5 of 20 villages.
 
The Premier of the Northern Cape outlined the work being done in the province to drive investment in mining and renewable energy, in infrastructure and in education and health.
 
It is these efforts that have contributed to the steady growth of employment and GDP in the province over the last five years, and the notable improvement in the province’s Human Development Index.
 
Gauteng has introduced the Rapid Land Release Programme to enable investment and expand access to affordable housing.
 
The Western Cape is contributing to job creation by expanding tourism, increasing air access and promoting foreign direct investment in other key sectors.
 
Free State is setting an example in the provision of government services, through the integrated services programme to reach rural and underserved communities. This initiative brings together various government entities and departments to offer comprehensive services to communities, ranging from the issuance of title deeds, birth certificates and IDs to business support.
 
The Premier of the Free State spoke about how the loss of the province’s top spot in matric results has spurred the province to do better and to regain its position.
 
We welcome that determination, as provinces should be learning from each other. They should be driven to improve not only their matric pass rates, but health outcomes, service delivery, crime reduction, infrastructure maintenance and many others. 
 
Healthy competition encourages innovation and improves efficiency, accountability and transparency.
 
We have seen the value of government working as one through the District Development Model.
 
The DDM seeks to eliminate silos between government departments and the three spheres of government. 
 
It further aims to strengthen integrated planning and coordination, improving service delivery, eliminating fragmentation and ensuring inclusive, people-centred development. 
 
The DDM brings together national, provincial and local government and stakeholders like organised business, labour and communities in a particular district to collectively address challenges. 
 
Where the DDM has been integrated into government operations and structures, it has begun to make a measurable difference.
 
For example, the work done by the Presidential eThekwini Working Group in line with the DDM approach has contributed to significant improvements in the city.
 
By bringing national, provincial and local government together with business, labour, civil society and residents, we have seen improvements in the delivery of services like water and sanitation, the recovery of key industries like tourism, increased business sentiment and improved efficiency at the Durban Port.
 
In the State of the Nation Address, I said that our Constitution calls on us to redress the injustices of the past, to build a society that is equal and just.
 
We cannot do that without transforming our economy.
 
It cannot be acceptable to anyone in this House for African people, coloured people and Indian people to be poorer and have fewer opportunities than white people.
 
It cannot be acceptable to anyone in this House for women to earn less than men, to own less than men and to run fewer businesses than men.
 
And yet there are people in this House, in this debate, who tell us to get rid of the measures that we have put in place to correct this gross historical injustice.
 
They say we must get rid of broad-based black economic empowerment, falsely claiming that it benefits only a few, falsely claiming that it inhibits economic growth, falsely claiming that it enables corruption.
 
And yet the progress we have made since the introduction of these laws is undeniable. We have seen real changes in ownership patterns, including more businesses owned by women. We have seen changes in management control, enterprise development and skills development.
 
It is no accident that between 2006 and 2023, black African households experienced real income growth of 46 percent, coloured households 29 percent and Indian households 19 percent.
 
It is no accident that the level of poverty in the black African population fell from 67 percent in 2006 to 44 percent in 2023. Nor is it any accident that the level of poverty in the coloured population fell from 43 percent to 25 percent in the same period.
 
Despite this progress, the average income of white households is still nearly five times higher than that of black African households. 
 
This is the gulf we must close through deliberate and sustained efforts to expand opportunity. Now is not the time to abandon BEE. Now is the time to make it more effective. 
 
Just remember what our forebears said when they drafted the Freedom Charter.
 
They said “These freedoms we will fight for, side by side, throughout our lives, until we have won our liberty.” We should all be working together to ensure that we rid our country of the injustices of the past.
 
We must see broad-based black economic empowerment not as a cost to the economy, but as an investment in the sustainable growth of our economy.
 
That is why I announced in the State of the Nation Address that we are undertaking a review of our Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment framework to ensure that it supports greater transformation and inclusive growth. 
 
During the course of this debate, MPs have spoken on behalf of their political parties.

When they are out on the streets, they campaign for their parties.
 
But in Cabinet, there are no parties.
 
There are no ANC or DA or IFP or PA or UDM or GOOD or FF Plus or PAC or Al Jama-ah ministries.
 
Every Minister and Deputy Minister is part of a collective, working together to implement a common programme, the Medium Term Development Plan.
 
No Minister or Deputy Minister should be claiming their work in the GNU as an achievement of their party. 
 
In many cases, the basis for their achievements were laid before they came into office. And in many cases, the work to realise their objectives will continue after they have left.
 
Our successes are the achievements of the collective. By the same measure, we are collectively responsible for our mistakes and shortcomings.
 
It is our commitment to the principle of partnership and shared responsibility that has made the Government of National Unity work and that will stand us in good stead for the work ahead.
 
We are undertaking these tasks in a global environment that is uncertain, unstable and rapidly changing.
 
During our Presidency of the G20, we set out our vision and programme for a better, more inclusive, more peaceful and more equal world order.
 
Most of the G20 countries overwhelmingly aligned themselves with that vision.
 
It is a vision that is shared by most Member States of the United Nations, BRICS and the Non-Aligned Movement.
 
We will continue to work with like-minded countries and on all available international platforms to advance that vision and implement that programme.
 
The African continent remains at the centre of our foreign policy.
 
South Africa is now the chair of SADC for the next two years, and will use that position to promote peace, integration and economic development in our region.
 
We have also been elected to the AU Peace and Security Council. In this capacity we will be working with other countries to promote peace efforts on the continent. 
 
At the AU Summit in Addis Ababa this past weekend, we chaired the Ad-Hoc High-Level Committee on South Sudan, known as the C5, which is working to stabilise the situation in South Sudan, ensuring that elections take place and that a sustainable resolution to the conflict in the country is achieved.
 
We do this because a better Africa and a better world are in our national interest.
 
At the same, we are having to adapt very quickly to changing circumstances.
 
We cannot rely on goodwill and fine sentiments. 
 
That is why we are being more assertive in our trade policy, seeking out new markets and reaching trade agreements that support growth and job creation in our economy.
 
We are intensifying our efforts to mobilise investment into our country and find investment opportunities for our businesses abroad.
 
This relies on a stronger, more capable state. Our foreign missions must be focused on driving trade and investment.
 
We are working to ensure that our departments – from DTIC to agriculture, to mineral resources to tourism – are aligned around a common trade strategy. 
 
Amid the global turmoil, we have set a clear path to advance the interests of our country and its people. We must now pursue that path with greater focus and purpose.
 
Thirty years ago, South Africans came together to craft a Constitution that would define the values and the principles of our democracy.
 
It placed on all of us a responsibility to correct the injustices of the past and to ensure that all people would progressively be able to exercise their right to housing, health care, food, water, social security and education.
 
As a nation, we have travelled far in giving effect to the promise of our Constitution.
 
But we have much further to go.
 
It is therefore fitting that this year, South Africans will once again come together to forge a vision for our country into the future and to agree on a programme of actions to achieve that vision.
 
This is the year in which the National Dialogue will reach every corner of our country.
 
The National Dialogue is led by a Steering Committee of more than 100 people representing over 30 sectors in our society.
 
It continues to be guided and inspired by the Eminent Persons Group, prominent South Africans drawn from many fields and backgrounds who have all made a contribution to social cohesion and nation building.
 
It is ultimately the people of this country, engaged in dialogue and united action, who will determine the path that our country takes.
 
Dialogue and partnership are woven into the fabric of our society.
 
They have enabled our country to overcome great difficulties, from the crime of apartheid to the political violence of our transition to a devastating global pandemic to a persistent energy crisis.
 
It is this spirit that infuses the work of the Government of National Unity, that informs our approach to collaboration and coordination, that encourages us to draw on resources and capabilities from across society to solve difficult problems.
 
It is dialogue and partnership that will take the country forward.
 
It is the people of South Africa, working together, who will sustain the momentum of our recovery and who will accelerate progress to an inclusive economy and a transformed society.
 
As I conclude, I extend my gratitude to Deputy President Mashatile for his support and the leadership he continues to provide in the areas assigned to him.
 
I thank all Ministers and Deputy Ministers for diligently implementing the actions contained in the Medium Term Development Plan. 
 
The Deputy President and I have been spending more time evaluating Ministers and Deputy Ministers, as well as Directors-General. This is part of an effort to promote accountability, to engender a culture of performance and to ensure action.
 
I am grateful to the leaders of the political parties in the Government of National Unity, who meet regularly to discuss matters of national interest. Their contributions have been very useful in managing the challenges our country faces.
 
I thank all the Honourable Members who have participated in this debate.
 
As the elected representatives of the people of South Africa, we have much to do.
 
Now is the time for action, for greater effort and for faster progress. Together and in unity.

Last year I spoke about the imagery of weaver birds working together to build their nest. Today I want to end by using another imagery of beavers, working together to build their nest.
 
Beavers are like a team of engineers. They work together to fell branches, pack mud and raise dams and lodges that create a safe “neighbourhood” of deep water around their home.
 
Beavers are a reminder that real building is rarely a solo act.
 
Think of a river that runs too fast, too exposed, too uncertain. 
 
One beaver can’t change it. But a community can. 
 
They don’t wait for perfect conditions; they start with what’s in reach. 
 
One drags a branch. Another places it. Others pack mud and strengthen the weak points. Bit by bit, they raise a dam and shape a lodge—not as a monument, but as a home.
 
And what does that teamwork create? Not just a structure, but a safer environment: calmer water, protection from danger, space for life to grow. Their work turns risk into refuge. 
 
It doesn’t happen through noise or ego; it happens through coordination, consistency and a shared purpose.
 
That’s what working together looks like for us. 
 
We don’t all have the same role, but every role matters. Some people plan. Some people lift. Some people reinforce. Some people spot the leaks early and fix them before they become disasters. 
 
When we build like that – patiently, practically, together – we don’t just complete a project. We create a “neighbourhood”: a place where others can thrive because we chose to cooperate.
 
So let’s build like beavers: with urgency, with unity and with the quiet determination to make something strong enough to hold – something that lasts and something that shelters more than just ourselves.
 
Let us be the real builders of South Africa, working together.
 
I thank you.
 

The Clean Cooking Quest: It’s Time for the International Energy Agency (IEA) to Fight for Africa – Not Against it

Source: APO – Report:

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The U.S. has intensified pressure on the International Energy Agency (IEA) – signaling that it could withdraw from the institution unless it refocuses on its founding mandate of safeguarding global energy security.

U.S. Secretary of Energy Chris Wright said Washington is not satisfied with the Paris-based agency’s current direction, arguing that its modelling and outlooks have become overly shaped by climate ideology at the expense of practical energy realities. He was direct in his messaging when he said that the IEA must return to prioritizing energy access and solvable clean cooking solutions.

For years, African leaders and private-sector stakeholders have argued that the IEA drifted from its original purpose – becoming increasingly politicized in its outlooks and instrumental in shaping restrictive financing narratives around oil and gas. The African Energy Chamber (AEC) has consistently maintained that this shift has had real consequences for developing economies, contributing to capital flight from African hydrocarbons and slowing the continent’s ability to tackle widespread energy poverty. If the IEA is now reassessing its position, the question is whether this represents genuine reform – or political expediency under mounting global pressure.

A History of Weaponizing Energy Outlooks  

The IEA has politicized its outlooks and adopted an anti-oil and gas agenda that directly undermined African development ambitions for years. Its 2021 net-zero roadmap – updated in 2025 – became a weapon used by financiers and multilateral institutions to restrict capital flows into Africa’s energy sector. Some of the objectives include no new investment for fossil fuel supply after 2021 and sales of fossil fuel boilers after 2025. It also condemns international combustion engine car sales after 2035, targeting 60% electric car sales and 50% electric heavy trucks from 2035.

These steps assume a lot about the state of the world – assumptions that are faulty, especially for Africa. For one, it will require universal energy access by 2030 – including electricity and clean cooking. With approximately 592 million Africans currently without this access, the continent is going to be hard-pressed to flip that switch in less than 10 years.

The IEA’s roadmap also relies on unprecedented investments in renewables – a substantial boost in clean energy investments from the $1 trillion made over the last five years all the way up to $5 trillion annually by 2030 – and cooperation from policymakers who are unified in their efforts. In this idyllic partnership, Africa’s Western counterparts talk a good game. But the fact is, to date, these same Western countries have invested little to no funding into Africa’s renewables space. To our dismay even the international oil companies that have tried to accept the IEA’s publicity stunt have little or no renewable projects in Africa.

OPEC wrote in response to IEA’s roadmap release that “For many developing countries, the pathway to net zero without international assistance is not clear. Technical and financial support is needed to ensure deployment of key technologies and infrastructure. Without greater international co‐operation, global CO2 emissions will not fall to net zero by 2050.”

The damage of the roadmap has been profound. Global financiers such as BNP Paribas and HSBC halted all new oil and gas financing while institutions such as Barclays, Nedbank and Deutsche Bank moved to selectively finance projects. In 2019, the World Bank also announced that it will stop direct investments in upstream oil and gas. When African countries were fighting for the development of strategic gas resources, one of the continent’s biggest institutional opponents was the IEA.  

“A bank should evaluate investment in an African oil field based on a project’s viability and associated risk, just as it would for a Norwegian, British or American project. Yet they don’t. This is precisely why the AEC plans to hold several banks legally accountable for promoting financial apartheid in the energy sector,” states NJ Ayuk, Executive Chairman, AEC.

The Clean Cooking Challenge

With over 900 million people in Africa living without access to clean cooking solutions, addressing the problem of energy security is no longer an isolated challenge – it’s a strategic imperative. If Africa were to listen to the IEA, there would be no investment to address this challenge. Europe would not gain access to African gas supplies, making projects such as Angola LNG, Congo LNG, Greater Tortue Ahmeyim in Senegal/Mauritania, Equatorial Guinea’s Gas Mega Hub and Algerian production facilities obsolete. At a time when Mozambique LNG is resuming and Libya, Egypt and Nigeria are looking to produce more, IEA recommendations could prove catastrophic for Africa’s clean cooking quest.

Delivering remarks during the IEA’s 2026 Ministerial this week, Secretary Wright underscored that with $4 billion invested annually, the world can accelerate the rollout of clean cooking solutions and lift nearly two billion people out of energy poverty. While the IEA should be at the forefront of this drive, Secretary Wright highlighted how a focus on climate change has redirected critical financing away from hydrocarbons.

“The world today spends $1 trillion in the name of fighting climate change – collectively over $10 trillion in the last 20 years. What has been the upside of that? Only 2.6% of global energy comes from solar, wind, batteries and the increased transmission lines to promote them. This has only had meaningful penetration in rich countries,” he said.

A 2024 report by U.S. Senator John Barrasso further condemns the IEA for its renewable approach, arguing that the organization is increasingly responsible for feeding the unrealistic view that emerging economies can develop using only renewables. This shift began in 2020 when the IEA ceased creating energy market forecasts based on actual demand and decided to focus exclusively on hypothetical scenarios aligned with extreme emissions reduction targets.

This goes against the very mandate by which the IEA was established. Following an oil crisis and spike in prices in 1974, the IEA was established to ensure reliable, affordable and secure energy supplies worldwide. The organization’s recent history has contradicted this mandate.

“Africa will not make energy poverty history by abandoning the very resources that can fund its development. Oil and gas are not the problem – underdevelopment is. Organizations such as the IEA have played a central role in restricting financing, politicizing fossil fuels and impacting African energy development. That needs to stop,” adds Ayuk.

A Step in the Right Direction

Despite its history of inaction, the IEA seems to be moving in the right direction, announcing that it will host the Clean Cooking Alliance (CCA) – launched in 2010 – to tackle the global clean cooking crisis. The IEA will partner with governments and industry to accelerate universal clean cooking access, integrating the CCA within the IEA. The U.S. is also ramping-up its clean cooking support. Secretary Wright announced the launch of a Clean Cooking Accelerator Program to help build infrastructure to enable faster deployment of clean cooking solutions – focusing primarily on Africa. While these efforts are notable, much more needs to be done.

“Reform at the IEA must go beyond press releases. It must include a recalibration of outlooks to reflect differentiated development pathways, a rejection of blanket investment bans and an acknowledgment that African hydrocarbons are compatible with global climate goals,” Ayuk stated. “The AEC believes that Secretary Wright needs to put more teeth on his clean cooking and energy poverty plan. The African private sector will fund it. We don’t want aid – we want partnerships.”

– on behalf of African Energy Chamber.

Streetlights in Lagos can boost safety and grow the economy. Why not everyone benefits

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Adewumi Badiora, Senior Lecturer, Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Olabisi Onabanjo University

Nigeria is urbanising at a remarkable speed. Some of the world’s fastest growing cities are in the west African country.

With the current rate of urbanisation, Kano, Ibadan, Abuja and Port Harcourt will surpass the 10 million inhabitants mega city threshold by 2050. According to United Nations estimates, Lagos will be the largest city in the world by 2100, accommodating more than 88 million people, up from the present population of about 25 million.

The rapid urbanisation and other issues, such as climate change, limited public finance and extreme poverty, are putting pressure on the government to provide better basic public infrastructure, especially in informal settlements.

Street lighting is one area of public infrastructure where there is a clear need, and potential, for improvement.

Street lighting plays a crucial role in public safety and security, and it promotes inclusive social and economic development by boosting local commerce, street businesses and community engagement.

Conventional grid-based street lights and other technologies like LED lights powered by solar energy have been installed in parts of Nigeria but are still lacking in many cities.

I have been researching various aspects of urban and community safety in Nigeria, particularly in the country’s south-west. I currently lead the African Cities Research Consortium safety and security domain action research in Lagos.

I co-authored a recent research report about the condition of street lights in Lagos. I interviewed 17 key informants in a bid to understand the provision, challenges, quality and impact of street lighting in Africa’s foremost mega city. Respondents included residents and community associations, state agencies, private sector companies, and nongovernmental agencies.

We found that street light provision by the state has been orientated towards elite neighbourhoods, while households in disadvantaged settlements have less access.

Nevertheless, low-income communities across the city have come together to drive progress. They have enabled residents to achieve some level of street light infrastructure in their neighbourhood by working with the local government, civil society organisations and NGOs.

We argue that solutions will only be found through inclusive engagements that push against established approaches to infrastructure development.

Multiple paybacks of street lighting

Research was conducted in three selected communities: Ilaje-Bariga on the Mainland, Brazilian Quarters on the Island and Ajegunle-Ikorodu in the peri-urban area. The three communities have either past or ongoing street light projects being delivered via sponsorship or collaboration between the Community Development Association, state or nonstate institutions.

Economic and social benefits were particularly prominent. Residents feel safer going out after dark when streets are well lit, while workers feel safer walking to and from their homes early in the morning and at night.

Businesses on newly lit streets have seen increased revenue as a result of vendors and traders being able to operate for longer after nightfall.

A previous case study established that extending trading times beyond daylight hours could add tens of thousands of working hours daily to the economy.

A respondent commented: “Policing work is now better in the night and we do not need to rely on battery-powered torchlight while on street patrol or checks.”

Another added: “We used to have cases of robbery, but the street light makes everywhere lit like daytime … the hoodlums are no longer able to perpetrate their act.”

Hurdles of street light provisions

Some obstacles remain, however. Our research uncovered many reasons as to why street light projects are not long-lasting or are unsuccessful. Limited budgeting and politically driven procurement are key challenges.

We found that the high costs and limited state budgets mean that certain areas of the city are prioritised and other areas neglected. The ruling class receives more political and economic support.

Across the three communities researched, the average cost of installation of one solar street light pole is US$200-800, compared to US$1,150 for a conventional grid powered streetlight. The difference in operating costs is where the economics of solar powered, compared to conventional, street lighting becomes most compelling.

Politically driven procurement spotlights the need to favour cronies on the selection, awarding and implementation of street light infrastructure. Projects are awarded in favour of individuals (usually party members and not necessarily an expert) in exchange for political support.

The lack of technical expertise at the local and state levels remains a critical barrier, according to our study. This is displayed in poor procurement processes, infrastructure maintenance issues and inefficient use of limited public funds.

Because of corruption, the full value of project allocation is rarely received by suppliers. As one respondent explained: “In most cases, the money allocated for projects does not get to us. There are bottlenecks here and there that will drain off most of the project fund.” This leaves limited capital to deliver quality infrastructure and streetlight projects are poorly delivered or abandoned before completion, for want of funds.

Other street lighting projects are abandoned because succeeding regimes refuse to continue predecessor projects.

There is also the challenge of vandalism and theft involving street light equipment. There have been situations where “area boys” – Lagos street gangs – restricted street light installation and where equipment parts were stolen.

Overcoming the obstacles

The solutions can only be found through inclusive engagements. Our study recommends the following steps:

  • Involve a wide range of players, particularly local communities, in planning and delivering street lighting.

  • Build an enabling environment for private-sector-led renewable solutions and investment in sustainable lighting technologies, such as LED lights.

  • Create a robust regulatory framework to produce sustainable lighting technologies locally.

  • Improve state budget and investment funding for street lighting.

  • Develop capacity in the public sector to plan, design, finance and deliver projects.

  • Support low-income neighbourhoods and informal communities.

  • Separate political, personal interests from good governance and ensure transparency in the procurement process in practice.

So far, the large-scale initiative involving the deployment of over 22,000 solar street lights has engaged with residents in areas like Ikotun, Alausa, Ketu, Kosofe, Marina, Lekki and Surulere. Community feedback on the safety and environmental benefits has been integrated into the project. The project adopted LED lighting, which is more cost effective and energy-efficient.

– Streetlights in Lagos can boost safety and grow the economy. Why not everyone benefits
– https://theconversation.com/streetlights-in-lagos-can-boost-safety-and-grow-the-economy-why-not-everyone-benefits-275581

Should South Africa use the army to fight gangs? The short answer is no

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Lindy Heinecken, Professor of Sociology in the Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology., Stellenbosch University

When President Cyril Ramaphosa announced the deployment of the South African National Defence Force to the provinces of Gauteng and the Western Cape in his 2026 State of the Nation Address, he was met with desperate applause by a crime-weary nation. This is largely due to police failure in almost every aspect of their duties in protecting citizens from crime and violence. Hence the call to bring in the army.

But my research in the field of armed forces and society suggests this “show of force” creates a dangerous moral hazard. If the army is always available to “stablise” a hot spot, there’s no pressure on the South African Police Service to root out corruption, improve intelligence-gathering and rebuild community trust.

All three are weak spots in the country’s police service, affecting their ability to deal with criminal and violent crime.

Gang violence – one of the areas the defence force has been called on to control – is the byproduct of systemic neglect such as unemployment, lack of infrastructure and poor education. As long as the structural violence (lack of jobs and infrastructure) and cultural violence (the need for gang identity) remain, the military can only provide a temporary “lid” on the violence. But constantly relying on the military when core governance and policing institutions fail places the country on a dangerous, remilitarised path where military solutions begin to dominate civilian life.

An extensive international comparative study which drew in experts from 26 different countries shows that domestic military use raises concerns about democratic backsliding and extra-judicial abuse of coercive power. It shows most countries avoid using the military internally for coercive law enforcement roles due to these concerns.

The façade of action

South Africans voice the same concerns, yet the South African National Defence Force has increasingly found itself deployed to “safeguard the nation”, which includes combating gang violence.

In the 2019 deployment to the Cape Flats, gang-affected neighbourhoods in Cape Town, the initial presence of troops saw a temporary dip in crime. In 2019, the situation in the Cape Flats was described as “war zone”. In the first six months of 2019 alone, over 1,800 murders were recorded in the Western Cape.

The intervention showed that the South African National Defence Force could stabilise and bring about a “negative peace” by temporarily stopping the shooting and violence, but this was not lasting. Once the troops withdrew, the murder rate surged back to – and in some areas exceeded – pre-deployment levels.

Similar trends have been found in countries such as Brazil, El Salvador and Mexico, where the army is deployed.

An initial visible drop is frequently short-lived. It’s also costly to civil liberties and prone to fragmenting criminal groups into even more violent factions.

Military trained for combat

While the president may order the South African National Defence Force to deploy and the generals can command them into “battle”, troops on the ground express major misgivings.

The views of soldiers were presented to the Joint Standing Committee on Defence in Parliament on 13 February 2026 in Cape Town. These were based on a soon-to-be-published study of the experiences of soldiers on external and internal deployments.

Their responses reveal a deep conflict.

Soldiers overwhelmingly said they believed that this was not what the South African National Defence Force was established for.

My research shows four major challenges.

Firstly, there is inherent conflict between military training and policing roles.

Soldiers are trained to use lethal force, not for the restraint, negotiation and minimum force required in civilian law enforcement.

Secondly, they also lack the necessary “minimum force” tools (body cameras, non-lethal restraints) necessary for urban operations. Instead, they’re equipped with assault rifles like the R4. In dense urban environments like the Cape Flats, using such a weapon creates a massive risk of collateral damage. A single bullet can travel through multiple shack walls or bystanders.

Thirdly, they haven’t been trained in the “soft skills” of policing, such as persuasion and de-escalation. The result is that soldiers often resort to intimidation to maintain control. In the absence of handcuffs or the legal power to process arrests, soldiers sometimes resort to “street justice”. For example, during the COVID-19 lockdown, the public witnessed soldiers forcing citizens to “frog jump” or do push-ups as punishment.

These incidents severely damaged the military’s professional reputation.

Fourth, the mandate and rules of engagement for soldiers are often limited. Criminals and “zama zamas” (illegal artisanal miners – the other area Ramaphosa listed for troop deployment) have morphed into criminal syndicates. These exploit the fact that soldiers are not legally empowered to shoot unless their lives are directly threatened.

This creates a “toothless tiger” effect where the military is present but unable to intervene in active property crimes or smuggling without risking murder charges.

Lastly, these deployments prevent the army from meeting its primary mandate: while soldiers are diverted to “gangbusting”, South Africa’s borders remain porous, allowing criminals and illegal immigrants to flow into the country. The South African Defence Force has few dedicated resources for domestic operations. It has to draw equipment and personnel from other units, which are needed elsewhere.

Currently, the defence force has only 15 companies to protect a land border approximately 4,470km long. This requires at least 22 companies.

In 2023, the president authorised some 3,300 soldiers to be deployed at an estimated cost of roughly R492 million (over US$30 million) against illegal mining across all provinces.

Troops are being used to guard holes in the ground, tying up elite infantry units in static guard duties, causing their primary combat skills to atrophy.

The way forward

If the state continues to use the military internally, the current “one-size-fits-all” combat model must be abandoned. The soldiers themselves suggest a need for a specialised, multi-role component, akin to Italy’s Carabiniere or the United States National Guard, trained specifically for internal security and non-lethal force. This requires a change in military doctrine and the core mandate of the South African National Defence Force.

What this implies is that the military must develop a specific Urban Constabulary Doctrine that integrates human rights frameworks and community-centric policing strategies into its training. This demands a doctrinal pivot. A revision in the military’s core mandate is essential to ensure that soldiers are trained in proportionality, de-escalation and civil-military cooperation, rather than purely kinetic combat operations.

Until then, the goal must be a “task-oriented” approach – intervene, contain, and exit. The details and timeframe of the latest deployment are yet to be confirmed. The military should be a temporary shield, not a permanent crutch for a failing police service. South Africa must stop asking its soldiers to be the police before they lose the pride and dignity that defines a professional army.

– Should South Africa use the army to fight gangs? The short answer is no
– https://theconversation.com/should-south-africa-use-the-army-to-fight-gangs-the-short-answer-is-no-276286