When the United States completed its first sale of Venezuelan oil this week, the $500 million transaction reopened a geopolitical channel that had been largely dormant for years, signaling that energy pragmatism is once again shaping Washington’s approach to the Western Hemisphere.
Carried out under a new U.S.–Venezuela arrangement that allows sanctioned crude to be marketed with proceeds held in U.S.-controlled accounts, the sale marks a tangible shift in how Washington is balancing political pressure with supply security. U.S. officials have indicated that additional cargoes are expected to follow, offering Venezuela a limited but meaningful pathway back into global oil markets after years of isolation that saw production fall from more than 3 million barrels per day (bpd) in the late 1990s to around 900,000 bpd in recent years.
For Latin America and the Caribbean, the implications extend well beyond Venezuela. The resumption of Venezuelan crude sales – reportedly at prices higher than the country previously received – has the potential to stabilize regional oil flows and support refinery economics in the U.S. Gulf Coast, where heavy crude processing capacity remains significant. For Caribbean refineries and energy importers, greater availability of regional crude could reduce reliance on longer-haul imports from the Middle East or West Africa, lowering transportation costs and improving supply reliability for refineries and power producers.
For island economies that remain heavily dependent on imported fuels, even incremental improvements in logistics, pricing and supply predictability can translate into meaningful fiscal and energy-security gains. Over time, this can support local employment, government revenues and more resilient energy systems in markets that have historically paid a premium for fuel imports.
The shift also reflects Washington’s broader effort to reassert economic influence across Latin America at a moment of intensifying global competition. U.S. President Donald Trump has publicly floated figures of up to $100 billion in potential U.S. investment in Latin American energy and infrastructure should engagement deepen – a figure that is more political signal than firm commitment, but nonetheless indicative of how central energy has become to U.S. regional strategy. Even a fraction of that capital, if realized, would be transformative for upstream rehabilitation, midstream infrastructure and downstream modernization across the hemisphere.
For regional governments and energy companies, this moment presents both opportunity and urgency. Venezuela’s partial reintegration could unlock billions of dollars in deferred investment to rehabilitate aging fields, pipelines and export infrastructure. Neighboring producers and service hubs also stand to benefit from increased regional throughput and collaboration. Guyana and Suriname are already attracting multi-billion-dollar upstream commitments, while Trinidad and Tobago continues to position itself as a gas processing and LNG anchor for the Caribbean.
It is this convergence of geopolitics, capital and project momentum that makes Caribbean Energy Week (CEW) taking place on 30 March-1 April 2026, Paramaribo, Suriname particularly timely. As the region’s premier energy forum, the event convenes policymakers, national oil companies, international investors and technology providers at a moment when strategic alignment is critical. Discussions around hydrocarbons, gas monetization, power generation, renewables and regional integration will directly shape the investment decisions being made today.
In a landscape defined by shifting alliances and renewed U.S. engagement, CEW 2026 offers a rare platform to move beyond headline diplomacy and focus on execution: structuring bankable projects, mobilizing diversified capital and ensuring that energy development delivers long-term economic resilience.
The U.S. sale of Venezuelan oil may be only the first cargo in a longer process, but it is already a marker of change. For Latin America and the Caribbean, the question is no longer whether global attention is returning — it is how effectively the region positions itself to capture it.
Join us in shaping the future of Caribbean energy. To participate in this landmark event, please contact sales@energycapitalpower.com.
President Ramaphosa assesses flood damage, calls for stronger disaster response
President Cyril Ramaphosa says leadership must be visible and present when communities are in distress, as government intensifies its response to devastating floods that have led to loss of life, destroyed infrastructure, displaced families and disrupted schooling across several provinces.
The President was speaking to the media during his visit to the Nkomazi Local Municipality in Mpumalanga to assess the extent of the damage caused by severe weather, following the classification of the recent floods as a national disaster by the National Disaster Management Centre (NDMC).
“It’s important that, as leaders, we should be able to go and meet our people and see exactly what has befallen them. And that’s the important thing, because when people are in need, they want to have a sense that those that they have elected in key positions are there with them,” the President said on Monday.
The visit comes after the National Disaster Management Centre classified the recent inclement weather affecting Limpopo, Mpumalanga, North West, KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape as a national disaster, following loss of life, extensive damage to infrastructure and property, environmental degradation, displacement of communities and disruption to schooling and economic activities.
The President said he had received regular updates from Mpumalanga Premier Mandla Ndlovu and members of the provincial executive, who have been engaging affected communities and reporting on conditions on the ground.
“It is for that reason that I felt that I should come to give them support, and also to assess precisely what’s happening here [and] at a national level,” the President said.
President Ramaphosa noted that roads had been destroyed, children were unable to attend school, houses had been washed away and critical infrastructure damaged.
“The roads are destroyed. Children cannot go to school, and houses have been washed away, and valuable infrastructure has been damaged, so that is precisely what we’re going to be looking at closely,” he said.
He said national government, including the inter-ministerial committee on disaster management, is engaged in discussions on the required interventions, while the Minister of Finance who is currently in Davos is also being briefed on the situation.
The President commended first responders for their swift action in affected areas.
“We are also grateful that our rescue and quick response agencies have been really up to the task. They have responded extremely well the South African National Defence Force, as well as the emergency services here in the province at local government level,” he said.
President Ramaphosa said the frequency and intensity of disasters linked to climate change require government to strengthen its disaster response capabilities.
“We’re now in an era where climate change is quite evident to everyone, and we are now developing our own disaster responses so that when we have disasters like these floods and fires and other forms of disasters, we are able to respond as quickly and as effectively as possible,” he said.
He stressed that saving lives remains government’s primary focus.
“With all this, the paramount issue that we focus on is to save lives because loss of life is what affects households and families very badly,” he said.
The President also reiterated South Africa’s call for climate finance to assist countries in the Global South that bear the brunt of climate change.
“… We need finance because once there’s been damage like this, we need finance, almost on an annual basis now, to recover,” he said.
Responding to questions about the pace of government’s response and the issuing of early warnings, President Ramaphosa acknowledged the need for improvement.
“With disasters, we can always do better, because when disaster [befalls] an area or households, we need to respond quickly,” he said.
He added that long-term solutions include improved town planning and stricter enforcement of municipal bylaws to prevent settlements in flood-prone areas.
“We now need to increase our town planning capability and get more young people to take up the town planning course, but also get our municipalities to enforce those bylaws,” he said.
On regional support efforts, President Ramaphosa confirmed that South Africa has provided assistance to Mozambique, which is also experiencing severe flooding.
“They have asked South Africa to help them… we have loaned them. We’ve sent some air assistance, like helicopters, to assist them for a number of days,” he said.
The President also expressed deep distress over the scholar transport accident that claimed the lives of 13 learners in the Vaal area earlier in the day.
“I’m devastated myself to hear right at the beginning of the year that 13 children in one go have lost their lives,” he said.
He emphasised the importance of safety in the scholar transport system, including vehicle condition, driver behaviour and compliance with road safety standards.
President Ramaphosa said his thoughts remain with families who have lost loved ones, those injured, and communities affected by the floods and recent tragedies.
He will continue to monitor the disaster response alongside provincial leadership, senior government officials and representatives of the National Disaster Management Centre. – SAnews.gov.za
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Onyedikachi Madueke, Teaching Assistant, University of Aberdeen
The Nigerian Senate confirmed the appointment of the immediate past chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) as an ambassador in December 2025. This has resurfaced concerns about electoral integrity in the country.
Mahmood Yakubu stepped down as head of the electoral commission just three months prior to the ambassadorial appointment.
As a political scientist with published research on the electoral commission and electoral integrity in Nigeria, I argue that even though the president has a right to make the appointment under Section 171 of the constitution, it is still troubling. There are a number of reasons.
Firstly, it raises questions about institutional neutrality and public trust. It looks like a reward for the way elections were administered.
Yakubu’s tenure as chairman included the controversial 2023 general elections. Questions were raised about the commission’s credibility following logistical failures, technological breakdowns and delayed transmission of results. Though the courts ultimately upheld the declared outcomes, the election’s legitimacy remains hotly debated among citizens, civil society and scholars.
The same electoral umpire has been appointed to a prestigious diplomatic role less than three years after conducting an election that returned the appointing authority to power.
Secondly, it undermines public confidence at a time of rising political disengagement. Nigeria’s democracy is facing a legitimacy challenge driven by civic disillusionment, youth disengagement, and declining trust in institutions. Voter turnout in the 2023 presidential election, roughly 26% of registered voters, was one of the lowest in the country’s democratic history.
Thirdly, it reflects a weakening of institutional checks and legislative oversight. Despite widespread objections, the Senate approved the nomination with minimal dissent. A weak or compliant legislature reduces the institutional safeguards that protect elections from political capture.
Nigeria must strengthen electoral governance. This should include cooling off periods for electoral commission officials, stronger Senate oversight, protected institutional autonomy, and sustained civic re-engagement.
Impartiality and the perception of political reward
Electoral commissions thrive on perceived impartiality as much as on legal independence.
In a region where democratic norms are weakening as seen in Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Guinea and others, the perception that electoral officials may receive political rewards, especially if they manipulate the electoral institution to favour a candidate, can further erode trust. It sends a signal, intended or not, that electoral umpires can swiftly take on political roles.
This may influence future behaviour within the electoral commission. It becomes harder to preserve the principle of neutrality.
Ebbing trust in elections
Many Nigerians already believe that the electoral umpire is compromised. A 2023 report revealed that some senior electoral officials were politically affiliated with the ruling party.
A 2023 Afrobarometer report showed that 76% of Nigerians expressed a lack of trust in the commission.
In a recent paper, my colleague and I identified constraints on the commission. These included corruption, lack of adherence to its rules, and lack of independence.
Yakubu’s appointment risks deepening cynicism and feeding narratives of elite collusion.
For a democracy already struggling with fractured trust, where young people question whether voting makes a difference, this symbolic gesture may accelerate disengagement. When citizens lose faith in elections, they may turn to protest or apathy. Worse, they might support anti-democratic alternatives such as military intervention. It’s a trend already visible in Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Niger.
Weakening checks and balances
The Senate’s role in the affair raises equally troubling concerns.
Rather than exercising its constitutional role as a check on executive appointments, the Senate appeared to align seamlessly with the president’s preferences. Most of the nominees were only asked by the Senate to bow and go.
This pattern of legislative passivity, common in Nigeria across all tiers of government, mirrors broader regional trends. Parliaments, whether in Togo, Benin or Senegal, have gradually ceded oversight functions to executives.
When political institutions become less independent, electoral oversight becomes more fragile.
A weak or compliant legislature reduces the institutional safeguards that protect elections from political capture.
In the US and Australia, revolving door laws exist to prevent former senior officials who occupied critical positions of trust from using their positions for political gains. They typically observe a cooling-off period before moving into a role that may risk a conflict of interest.
This norm exists to insulate institutional decisions from the prospect of political favour.
Nigeria currently lacks such a safeguard. Introducing a four- to six-year interval before former electoral commission chairs and commissioners could accept political or diplomatic appointments would bring Nigeria in line with international best practice.
Secondly, politically affiliated individuals must not be appointed to any position in the commission. This reform would protect both the individuals and the institution from allegations of political alignment.
Third, the Senate must reassert its constitutional role. It must subject sensitive appointments to genuine debate, ethical screening, and public interest review.
A credible, independent review, focusing on election logistics, technological failures, communication lapses and institutional pressures, would demonstrate a commitment to learning from past shortcomings. Transparency is the antidote to suspicion.
Preserving electoral integrity requires not only laws but also norms, perceptions and trust.
Across west African states, contested electoral processes and the fear that election administrators may align with political incumbents are increasingly widespread.
– Nigeria’s former election umpire has been appointed an ambassador: why this is a red flag – https://theconversation.com/nigerias-former-election-umpire-has-been-appointed-an-ambassador-why-this-is-a-red-flag-273529
For many women in Ethiopia, getting their first formal job doesn’t just change their income; it can change how they describe who they are in everyday public interactions.
In a country where ethnicity shapes access to opportunities, safety and political rights, this shift is far from small.
That is the provocative finding of our recent study: formal employment can cause women to switch their self-reported ethnicity. We are a team of political scientists and development economists who study labour markets, gender and ethnic identity in Ethiopia. We studied this issue in a recent research project.
We used data from a unique field experiment with 27 firms across five Ethiopian regions, where job offers were randomised among qualified female applicants. This means the firms had more qualified applicants than positions, so eligible women were selected through a lottery system for job offers. We then tracked both women who received a job offer and those who didn’t over multiple survey rounds spanning roughly three years, collecting information on their employment status, earnings, working conditions, daily mobility and commuting patterns, household characteristics, and how they reported their ethnic identity.
What we found was striking. In our full sample of 891 women, around 8% changed their stated ethnicity at some point over the time we followed them. While this may sound like a small share, switching ethnic identity is rare and socially consequential, making this level of change substantial in context.
Women who received a job offer were 4.3 percentage points more likely to switch their stated ethnicity than those who did not. In the comparison group – women who were not offered a job – about 6% changed their stated ethnicity over time. Among women offered a job, this figure rose to around 10%. When we account for who actually took up the job, the effect is even larger.
To some readers, this may sound like a technical result. But in a country where ethnicity shapes politics, social opportunity and daily survival, it is explosive.
Changing one’s ethnic label is not a trivial act. It carries implications for family, community and belonging.
So, why would a job make someone change something so fundamental?
For women entering the formal labour market in Ethiopia, even at low wages, taking a job can reshape their daily routines and expose them to new public spaces and risks. These shifts in mobility and visibility create pressures that women who stay at home may never face.
As they navigate these new environments, some find themselves adjusting not just their schedules, but also how they present and even report their ethnic identity.
By showing that formal employment can lead to ethnic reidentification, our study reveals identity as a living, shifting facet of social life rather than a fixed badge.
As Ethiopia and other African countries pursue industrialisation, labour-market expansion and social mobility, we must pay attention: economic transformation may come with unexpected, and deeply personal, consequences.
Being vulnerable
Our in-depth interviews with women in the two cities with the highest switching in our sample – Dire Dawa in east-central Ethiopia and Hawassa in the southern region – reveal a striking mechanism.
Employment meant commuting through areas where ethnic and, in some cases, ethno-religious tensions were high.
Women told us they felt far more vulnerable on the road than at home, especially if their own ethnicity placed them on the “wrong” side of a local conflict.
As one respondent explained, the decision to switch was driven by practical concerns about personal safety rather than a deeper change in how they saw themselves.
Some women did not adopt the local majority’s identity but switched to a third, more neutral group, one not involved in conflict.
Whether this was possible depended on their appearance, religion and language skills. As several women explained, speaking the correct language allowed them to “pass”, meaning they were perceived as belonging to a safer group while out in public. We cannot say how common this strategy was across all women in our study, but the interviews confirm patterns we also observe in our quantitative data of women switching to a third, neutral ethnicity to navigate local conflicts.
This makes sense in a country experiencing repeated waves of violence. In 2022, more than 40% of all conflict-related deaths worldwide occurred in Ethiopia.
In this kind of context, identity is not static; it becomes a resource.
Our findings challenge common assumptions across economics, the social sciences, and policy. While scholars have long recognised that ethnic identity can be fluid, it is often still treated as something relatively stable in practice, rooted in ancestry or birth.
What our evidence shows is the strategic side of this fluidity. Ethnicity can be consciously adjusted in response to economic conditions, mobility and the risks women face in public spaces.
In other words, identity is not only socially constructed. It can also shift in response to the pressures and incentives created by the work environment.
The protections needed
This raises uncomfortable questions about the global garment industry, which has progressively shifted production from Europe to Asia and is now beginning to extend manufacturing activities to parts of Africa as global value chains are reconfigured in search of lower production costs. Ethiopia has encouraged this growth by developing large industrial parks.
But unlike in long-established manufacturing hubs, there are few safety nets, transport protections or policies designed around local ethnic dynamics.
When women must alter their identity to feel safe on the commute to a low-wage job, something is clearly missing.
Our findings show that when these global industries arrive without adapting to local realities, the burden falls disproportionately on women.
It is not a sign of progress when a woman has to change her identity, even temporarily, to commute safely to a low-paid job. If anything, it calls for a more honest debate about what industrialisation should look like, and what protections are needed for the workers it relies on.
This also raises more profound questions about belonging and dignity. Is changing your ethnic identity an act of personal agency – or a sign of social pressure and insecurity? What does it say about everyday life when your safety depends on how you present yourself while travelling to work?
Imagine having to change the language you speak on the bus – or even the surname you give when introducing yourself – just to avoid trouble on your way to work.
While not all women faced situations this extreme, the very possibility of needing such strategies illustrates the pressures created by moving through tense public spaces.
– Ethiopian women and safety: why some switch their ethnic identity when they start working – https://theconversation.com/ethiopian-women-and-safety-why-some-switch-their-ethnic-identity-when-they-start-working-271325
DHET shifts to Central Application Service for 2026 academic year
The Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET) has announced that the Central Application Clearing House (CACH) will not be implemented for the 2026 academic year for the Class of 2025 and beyond.
In a statement issued on Monday, the department said the decision forms part of a broader reform of the post-school application process, focusing on the implementation of comprehensive support and an easier transition for all applicants through the Central Application Service (CAS).
The Central Application Clearing House was introduced in 2013 as an intervention to support matriculants and prospective students who were unable to secure placement at Post-School Education and Training (PSET) institutions.
The Central Application Clearing House has over the years played an important role in assisting young people to access available spaces within public universities and Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) colleges, and more recently private higher education institutions.
This was achieved by collecting information on applicants who did not receive offers of placement; those who wished to change the qualifications they had initially applied for, as well as those who only became eligible for study opportunities following the release of the National Senior Certificate (NSC) results and matching them with available spaces.
According to the department, the move away from the Central Application Clearing House reflects a shift towards a more comprehensive and integrated application system.
“The Central Application Service is designed as a more comprehensive, integrated and long-term solution addressing access, improved visibility of opportunities across the entire Post-School Education and Training system, and the elimination of bogus institutions at this time of the year,” the department said.
The department added that the Central Application Service will progressively make various alternative pathways visible over and above the traditional university and college pathways.
“This approach recognises the reality that current capacity within universities and colleges is not sufficient to meet the growing demand for post-school education and training,” the department said.
The department reiterated its commitment to ensuring that no young person is left without information, guidance, or support in navigating post-school opportunities.
Prospective students have been encouraged to engage with the Central Application Service through its WhatsApp chat line on 081 308 4196. – SAnews.gov.za
Basic Education Minister saddened by fatal scholar transport accident
Basic Education Minister Siviwe Gwarube has expressed deep sadness following a tragic motor vehicle accident that occurred on Monday morning, involving a vehicle transporting learners to school, in which several learners lost their lives.
The Minister extended her heartfelt condolences to the families, friends, classmates and school communities of the learners who perished in the devastating incident. She conveyed her wishes for strength and comfort to all those affected during this profoundly difficult time.
In a statement on Monday, the Minister said she was personally informed by the Gauteng MEC for Education, Matome Chiloane, that he is attending to the matter together with relevant authorities and emergency services. The MEC will continue to keep the Minister informed as further details become available.
“The Department of Basic Education stands ready to provide psychosocial support to affected learners, educators and families, in collaboration with the Gauteng Department of Education,” the statement read.
As investigations into the cause of the accident continue, the Minister has urged motorists to exercise extreme caution, particularly during peak school transport hours. She reiterated the importance of ensuring the safety and roadworthiness of all vehicles used to transport learners.
The department said that further updates will be communicated as information is confirmed. – SAnews.gov.za
As universities in South Africa prepare to admit a new group of students, thousands of young people from rural parts of the country hope for a life-changing opportunity.
In 2023, public universities enrolled 258,778 first-time students. Demand is intense; for example, the University of Johannesburg received 358,992 applications for just 10,500 first-year spaces in 2025.
A substantial proportion of these new students come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. The National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) is often the only key to unlocking post-school education. The scheme supports students from families earning less than R350,000 a year (about US$21,000) and has a target of 850,000 students. It is supposed to cover fees, accommodation, a living allowance, transport and learning materials.
Yet for many rural students, this key fails to turn the lock.
One student’s rural village.Hellen Agumba, Author provided (no reuse)
The number of students from rural areas who secure university placements cannot be determined. Neither the Council on Higher Education nor the Department of Higher Education systematically tracks students’ geographic origins. But what research does show is that students from rural areas face challenges beyond financial constraints.
My research on higher education access and learning experiences, particularly among marginalised students, has explored the reasons and consequences.
The conversation around financial aid rightly focuses on administrative crises: devastating payment delays and operational failures that erode trust. These are human catastrophes. But I’ve found that for rural students, these problems are only the tip of the iceberg. Beneath lies a deeper web of challenges.
Financial aid is crucial but it cannot compensate for systemic disadvantages that begin long before students reach campus and persist throughout their studies.
My research, involving in-depth interviews with rural students, shows the “hidden costs” they bear. Their struggle begins with limited access to information. This constrains their educational choices. Then they may not feel really comfortable to participate in the classroom and make social connections. And their financial situation influences both academic performance and social belonging.
Even when rural students graduate, many describe feeling they have survived higher education rather than thrived in it.
The experiences they shared with me reveal how these challenges interconnect throughout their university journey. Their stories also point to ways of improving rural students’ participation in higher education.
Listening to rural students
My qualitative study consisted of in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with 18 rural students (10 of them female), aged 19-25 at a university in Johannesburg. All participants came from former homeland areas across four provinces – the Eastern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal, Limpopo and Mpumalanga – a pattern reflecting apartheid’s enduring geographic legacy. They were studying fields ranging from education to engineering; 13 of the 18 were first-generation university students, and all were Black African. Their demographic profile was typical of deeply rural students accessing higher education through programmes like NSFAS.
The deliberate selection criteria and consistency of their experiences reveals systemic patterns.
One of the participants, Philip (all names have been changed) from Limpopo, described the sheer physical distance of his home from university:
I pass Polokwane (a city 320km from Johannesburg) and go deep to the rural villages until Giyani (a small town over 150km further on) … then from Giyani I have to catch a taxi to my village … you are far away from universities.
A study participant’s description of his village.source, Author provided (no reuse)
While urban students attend open days to learn about the courses on offer and careers, those in remote villages are left in the dark. As one participant, Terry, observed:
During open day for UJ (University of Johannesburg) … it’s mostly model C schools.“ (These are better resourced high schools which were reserved for white learners during apartheid.) I have never seen someone (there) from rural background.
This isolation limits career awareness to visible rural professions like teaching and nursing.
Sef’s story is telling:
I didn’t know anything about the courses offered … I only know teaching and these professions that you see in the village.
After a costly false start, she found her path to engineering only through a chance family conversation.
In South Africa, many students scrape together a registration fee, gambling that full funding will materialise. And without guidance on accommodation deadlines, they might arrive in the city to find university residences full and be forced into expensive or unsafe private housing.
Jane explained:
We will come and look for accommodation in February … When we get there, we find that the residence is already full.
While universities technically provide accommodation information, it is often buried in lengthy online registration documents that assume students have reliable internet access and familiarity with university processes.
The result is a financial strain from day one. For students like Kate, who was mugged commuting from distant, off-campus housing, the consequences are academic and psychological:
At the end of the year, I didn’t pass that well and as a result I lost my sponsor.
Upon arrival, they face a second battle: cultural and geographic alienation. They enter a space privileging urban, middle-class norms. Participants spoke of being teased for their accents and dress.
This brings us back to NSFAS. Its administrative failures hit rural students hardest.
For a student who barely registered, a delayed allowance is a crisis. It means missing lectures, relying on food parcels, and impossible choices between education and supporting families.
Since January we’re still waiting … Sometimes I don’t have money to come to school. I have to miss lectures.
The funding, when it comes, doesn’t cover the true cost. It ignores higher travel costs, expensive data to compensate for remoteness, and the burden of unexpected private accommodation.
The higher education system has focused too long on the narrow goal of access: getting students through the gate. True equity is about ensuring they can thrive as peers inside. The current student financing model is a blunt remedy: it provides cash but leaves the underlying structures of exclusion untouched.
How to change it
My research suggests some steps that could help rural students.
Fix the fundamentals with rural students in mind: Students need a competent, reliable financial aid scheme. Payment timelines must be guaranteed, with emergency support for rural students during delays.
Early outreach: Universities and government must take information to deep rural areas through mobile career services and application support long before final high school exams that determine university entrance.
Fund the full experience: Bursary calculations must be nuanced to cover the real, higher costs borne by rural students, including travel, data and safe accommodation.
Create culturally inclusive campuses: Universities must actively combat assumptions that rural students are “underprepared” or “lacking” essential skills. They can do this through staff training, peer mentorship, and curricula that value different kinds of knowledge.
The dreams of rural students are stifled by a system blind to their reality. Ensuring timely funding is the bare minimum. They need a system that doesn’t just let them in but truly welcomes them and sets them up for success.
– Getting into university is only the first hurdle for students from rural South Africa. Here’s what comes next – https://theconversation.com/getting-into-university-is-only-the-first-hurdle-for-students-from-rural-south-africa-heres-what-comes-next-271532
President Cyril Ramaphosa will this afternoon, Monday, 19 January 2026, visit Nkomazi Local Municipality in the Mpumalanga Province to assess the extent of the damage caused by the floods and the response of Government.
The President will commence the visit at Mjejana, Nkomazi Local Municipality, after 14h00.
The National Disaster Management Centre officially classified the inclement weather, which has respectively ravaged Limpopo, Mpumalanga, North West, KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape Provinces, as a national disaster, following loss of life, significant damage to infrastructure and property, environmental degradation, displacement of communities, disruption to schooling and agricultural activities, and closures in parts of the Kruger National Park.
The President has expressely shared that his thoughts are with families who have lost loved ones, people who have been injured and individuals, businesses and organisations who have lost property.
Furthermore, the President hailed first responders, volunteers and humanitarian organisations for their emphatic coordinated response to the devastation across affected provinces.
President Ramaphosa will monitor the state of the disaster response at flood affected areas at the Nkomazi Local Municipality, accompanied by Mpumalanga Premier, Mandla Ndlovu, senior Government officials and representatives of the National Disaster Management Centre.
Media enquiries: Vincent Magwenya, Spokesperson to the President – media@presidency.gov.za
Network International (Network) (https://www.Network.ae), a leading fintech company in the Middle East and Africa, has signed a strategic processing agreement with Saudi Sudanese Bank, one of Sudan’s prominent financial institutions. The partnership marks an important milestone in Network International’s expansion in the country, reinforcing its commitment to driving modern, secure, and inclusive payment infrastructure across the region.
Under the agreement, Network International will provide Saudi Sudanese Bank with a full suite of end-to-end digital payment processing services, including Mastercard Sponsorship, prepaid issuing, and a range of value-added services designed to support the bank’s digital ambitions.
Saudi Sudanese Bank has created a strong foundation for cross-border economic activity. Building on this progress, the strategic partnership with Network will introduce advanced fintech solutions to modernise the local financial ecosystem, improve trade settlement efficiency, and create new investment channels between the two markets.
The collaboration, formalised during Cairo ICT 2025, also strengthens Saudi Sudanese Bank’s mission to transform its digital capabilities, elevate customer experience, and contribute to the continued development of Sudan’s financial ecosystem. Saudi Sudanese Bank partnered with Network, underscoring the company’s strong reputation, scale, and record of delivering reliable, future-ready payment solutions across the region.
Dr. Reda Helal, Group Managing Director, Processing, Africa at Network International, said: “Our partnership with Saudi Sudanese Bank represents an important step in advancing Sudan’s digital payments infrastructure. As the trusted partner to leading financial institutions across the region, we’re committed to delivering world-class processing capabilities that help banks accelerate transformation and unlock sustainable growth. By bringing our advanced solutions to Saudi Sudanese Bank, we’re not only supporting their strategy – we’re helping shape the future of payments in Sudan.”
Osama Ali Ibrahim, CEO of Saudi Sudanese Bank, added: “Partnering with Network International, an industry leader with a proven track record across Africa and beyond, is a major step in our journey to modernise Sudan’s banking landscape. Network’s expertise and comprehensive digital payments platform will allow us to introduce faster, safer, and more accessible financial products to our customers. This agreement empowers us to build a more inclusive, digitally enabled banking environment that supports Sudan’s long-term economic development.”
This partnership forms part of Network International’s broader strategy to strengthen its presence in Sudan and expand its support to financial institutions seeking reliable, scalable digital payment solutions. It reinforces the company’s position as the partner of choice for banks across the region as they pursue innovation, efficiency, and enhanced customer experience.
About Network International:
Network International is the Middle East and Africa’s leading fintech company. Our purpose is to help businesses and economies grow by simplifying payments and commerce. We serve a diverse ecosystem of banks, fintechs, telcos, merchants, governments, and public sector entities spanning 50+ countries – empowering our partners with innovative technology, value-added services, and deep expertise in payment systems and infrastructure. Our 3,000+ team strength on the ground works closely with 250+ financial institutions and 240,000+ merchants to deliver reliable, scalable, and future-ready payment and fintech solutions across the region.
About Saudi Sudanese Bank:
The Saudi Sudanese Bank was established on the 1st of February 1984 and began its banking activities on 25 of October 1986.
Saudi Sudanese Bank is considered one of the leading banks in Sudan that provides high quality of banking products and services.
The Bank is playing a major role in strengthening the relationship between Sudan and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which led to enrich of trade and investment between the two countries.
The bank is using the latest banking systems and has a wide network of correspondents globally and a network of branches extending across Sudan.
President Ramaphosa visits flood-stricken areas in Mpumalanga
President Cyril Ramaphosa is this afternoon visiting Nkomazi Local Municipality in Mpumalanga to assess the extent of the damage caused by the floods and the response of government.
The President will commence the visit in Mjejana, Nkomazi Local Municipality, after 14h00 this afternoon.
The National Disaster Management Centre officially classified the inclement weather — which has ravaged Limpopo, Mpumalanga, the North West, KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape — as a national disaster, following loss of life, significant damage to infrastructure and property, environmental degradation, displacement of communities, disruption to schooling and agricultural activities, and closures in parts of the Kruger National Park.
The President has expressly shared that his thoughts are with the families who have lost loved ones, people who have been injured, and individuals, businesses and organisations who have lost property.
Furthermore, the President hailed first responders, volunteers and humanitarian organisations for their emphatic coordinated response to the devastation across affected provinces.
President Ramaphosa will monitor the state of the disaster response at flood affected areas at the Nkomazi Local Municipality, accompanied by Mpumalanga Premier Mandla Ndlovu, senior government officials and representatives of the National Disaster Management Centre. – SAnews.gov.za
