Category: Africa

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Niguss Gitaw Baraki, Postdoctoral scientist, George Washington University

Our prehistoric human ancestors relied on deliberately modified and sharpened stone tools as early as 3.3 million years ago. The selection of rock type depended on how easily the material could be flaked to the desired shape and form.

The resulting product proved invaluable for everyday tasks. Sharp-edged rock fragments were manufactured to suit various needs, including hunting and food processing.

The Stone Age period lasted from about 3.3 million years ago until the emergence of metalworking technologies. Throughout this time, diverse tool-making traditions flourished. Among them is the Oldowan tradition, one of the earliest technological systems created by our early ancestors. The tools are not shaped to have “fancy looks”. Still, they represent a huge step in human evolution. They show that our ancestors had begun modifying nature intentionally, creating tools with a purpose rather than just relying on naturally sharp stones.

Evidence from Homa Peninsula on the Kenyan side of Lake Victoria and Koobi Fora, Kenya’s Lake Turkana, places the origins of the Oldowan between 2.6 million and 2.9 million years ago at these sites. For nearly a million years, this technology stayed within Africa, becoming a key part of how early humans survived.

Over time, the knowledge of how to produce and use stone tools spread. By about 2 million years ago, Oldowan toolmaking had spread across north Africa and southern Africa. It eventually extended into Europe and Asia as our ancestors expanded their geographic range.

Although these tools appear basic, their manufacture required skill, planning, and a thorough understanding of stone fracture mechanics. Hominins made sharp flakes by striking rocks against other rocks to break them. The resulting sharp edges could then be used for butchering animals, processing plants, and breaking bones for marrow.

Until recently, the oldest known evidence of tool use found on the eastern shore of Lake Turkana, in Kenya, was dated to around 2 million years ago. The region is one of the world’s richest areas for early human fossils and archaeological remains, yet it lacked a secure, long-term sequence of early Oldowan occupation.

That picture has now changed dramatically.

We are researchers who study ancient life and landscapes, and we have now documented some of the oldest evidence yet of Oldowan tools. They are 2.75 million years old and come from East Turkana, at a site called Namorotukunan in Kenya. They are nearly 700,000 years older than other Oldowan sites from this part of Lake Turkana (and older than Oldowan tools from the Afar, Ethiopia, by about 150,000 years).

At this site, there were three distinct archaeological horizons (layers of sediment that record separate events of tool making activities), spanning 300,000 years. But throughout this long period, during which the climate and landscape changed, our hominin ancestors continued to make and use the same kind of tools. Our findings tell us something about their ability to make choices that enabled them to adapt, survive and evolve.

A landscape in constant transition

Today, the Turkana Basin experiences hot, arid to semi-arid conditions with daily average temperature of around 35°C. The vegetation cover is heterogeneous and includes bushland, shrubland and sparse grasslands with distribution influenced by seasonal drainage systems and groundwater.

Between 3 million and 2 million years ago, the region experienced major landscape transformations due to strong climatic fluctuations. Evidence from Namorotukunan shows that it shifted from a lakeshore setting to a dry semidesert, then to open savannah, and eventually became submerged again as the lake expanded. Along its banks, early human ancestors gathered stones, striking them with precision to make stone fragments, sharp enough to use as implements that allowed them to access different types of foods.

Before approximately 2.8 million years ago, the Turkana Basin had lush floodplains with abundant standing water, palm trees, and wetland vegetation. Approximately 2.75 million years ago, the region began to dry out as grasslands expanded and subsequently replaced forests. Despite this increasing aridity, early toolmakers remained in the landscape. Our ancestors took advantage of river gravels that provided good-quality stone (especially chalcedony) for manufacturing sharp-edged stone tools.

By approximately 2.58 million years ago, the climate had become even drier and more variable. Nevertheless, early humans continued to produce the same style of tools, demonstrating technological persistence despite fluctuating environmental conditions.

At about 2.44 million years ago, semi-arid conditions persisted, followed by flooding of the lake, eventually submerging the region again. However, as landscapes changed once again, toolmakers continued to return to this same region, producing Oldowan tools that remained unchanged in form.

This persistence suggests that these early humans had developed a successful survival strategy that worked across a wide range of ecological settings.

Selecting and using the best rocks

The stone tools at Namorotukunan were not made from just any rock. Nearby outcrops offered a variety of raw materials, but early humans selected the most suitable types of rock for their needs. They chose high-quality stones that break easily to produce sharper edges.

This kind of selectivity suggests an understanding of how different rocks behaved during breakage and reflects the cognitive capabilities of the early humans who made and used these stone tools.

Understanding the functional importance of these stone tools from this site is crucial to evaluating their evolutionary significance.

One clue comes from a fossilised animal bone found at the site, bearing cut marks made by sharp-edged stone tools. These marks reveal that the toolmakers were cutting animal tissues and likely accessing meat or marrow from animal carcasses. Such evidence supports previous studies that early humans were beginning to rely more heavily on meat and marrow, a dietary shift that played a major role in human evolution. Eating meat may have provided critical calories and nutrients that fuelled the growth of larger brains. The tools might also have been used to dig for underground plant parts or process other foods.

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Read more: When did our ancestors start to eat meat regularly? Fossilised teeth get us closer to the answer

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This suggests that early hominins were experimenting with various ways of surviving in the ever-changing environment around them.

Adapting to instability

The technological continuity at the site shows that Oldowan toolmaking was more than a simple craft. It was a dependable survival strategy, one that likely became essential during dry periods, when plant foods were scarce and it was vital to eat meat and marrow.

The ability of the early toolmakers to select high-quality stone, produce sharp flakes, and return to familiar raw-material sources suggests a deep understanding of their landscapes. It allowed early hominins to survive ecological uncertainty over hundreds of generations.

This research would not have been possible without the continued support of the Daasanach community of Ileret, who welcome researchers onto their land each year, and the National Museums of Kenya, whose leadership and collaboration underpin archaeological and geological work across the Turkana Basin.

– Early humans relied on simple stone tools for 300,000 years in a changing east African landscape
– https://theconversation.com/early-humans-relied-on-simple-stone-tools-for-300-000-years-in-a-changing-east-african-landscape-271433

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Temitayo Isaac Odeyemi, Research fellow, International Development Department, University of Birmingham

Nigeria has built an impressive legal framework for disability rights. The challenge now is turning these commitments into consistent, lived realities for voters with disabilities. With elections in 2027, the country has an opportunity to show others what full electoral inclusion looks like.

Across Africa, citizens with disabilities continue to face barriers to voting, from high staircases and narrow doorways to uninformed officials and ballot papers they cannot read. Yet democratic participation is not a privilege. It is a right guaranteed under Article 29 of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.

Nigeria, Africa’s largest democracy, has taken bold steps to protect that right. This includes its Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities (Prohibition) Act 2018.

Our research examined the experiences of people with disabilities during the 2019 elections. We found that challenges of braille ballot papers, transport restrictions and stigmatisation adversely affected their voting participation.

Since that election the government has enacted the Electoral Act 2022. This establishes some of the continent’s strongest guarantees for equal political participation.

Our follow-up research, which examined Nigeria’s 2023 elections, shows that new legal and institutional frameworks improved disability accessibility and participation. Gaps in implementation, staff training and polling-unit accessibility persist, however. The study outlines some ways to fill those gaps.

Put together, our research shows that Nigeria’s problem is not the absence of policy but the gap between commitment and execution. Laws must be translated into daily practice.

With credible data, structured training and genuine collaboration between the Independent National Electoral Commission and key actors, Nigeria can transform the 2027 elections for disabled people.

This article offers recommendations for enhanced inclusion of disabled people and for closing the disability gap in future elections.

What our research shows

Our research found both progress and gaps.

Since 2018, the Independent National Electoral Commission has become more proactive. It created a Framework on Access and Participation for Persons with Disabilities, produced braille ballot guides, provided magnifying lenses and sign-language materials, and worked closely with disability organisations such as the Joint National Association of Persons with Disabilities.

Field interviews and focus-group discussions confirmed that assistive devices reached more polling units and that voters with disabilities were often given priority in queues.

Our follow-up research on the 2023 elections shows further improvement. The electoral commission’s engagement with disability groups became more systematic, priority voting was more consistently applied, and assistive tools were distributed more widely than in 2019. These changes helped more disabled voters participate.

Yet inclusion remains uneven. Our research shows that many polling units in both the 2019 and 2023 elections were inaccessible to wheelchair users. Some officials did not understand how to deploy assistive tools. Blind voters frequently reported receiving braille guides without prior orientation. And, most critically, the commission still does not maintain a reliable database of where voters with disabilities live. So materials are mis-allocated, and needs go unmet.

How other African democracies compare

Nigeria’s experience mirrors a broader continental challenge.

South Africa has gone furthest in implementing inclusive voting. The Independent Electoral Commission uses a universal ballot template that enables blind and low-vision voters to cast a secret ballot. It also allows advance voting for people with mobility impairments.

But challenges were still evident. These included getting information, staff training, physical access to polling stations, privacy, and availability of the ballot template.

Ghana follows closely. The Electoral Commission and partners such as Sightsavers and the Ghana Federation of Disability Organisations have institutionalised the Tactile Ballot Jacket, which embeds accessible voting into routine electoral administration rather than treating it as an ad-hoc arrangement.

They have also trained thousands of visually impaired voters and polling officials. Observation reports from the 2020 and 2024 elections found most centres accessible and procedures orderly.

Limitations were also reported, from polling station access to voter education and training of election officials.

Kenya has strong constitutional and legal frameworks but inconsistent delivery. Accessibility remains concentrated in urban areas, and data relating to disability is scarce.

Compared with these countries, Nigeria ranks high on legal ambition but low on operational consistency. The lesson from South Africa and Ghana is clear: sustained training, accurate data management, and collaboration with disability organisations are what works.

Bridging Nigeria’s inclusion gap before 2027

Nigeria should make six key reforms:

1. Map and publish disability data

2. Audit accessibility well before election day

3. Train every official

4. Standardise assistive tools and make them available in all states

5. Include people with disabilities as polling officials, party agents and accredited observers to normalise participation

6. Expand accessibility across the entire electoral cycle, from campaign materials and party manifestoes to voting and post-election information.

These measures are feasible within Nigeria’s existing electoral structure, and the ongoing overhaul of the Electoral Act offers a timely opportunity to strengthen alignment.

Changing attitudes: from charity to citizenship

Our research further showed that many Nigerians still interpret assistance to voters with disabilities as an act of kindness rather than a constitutional obligation.

Some polling officials described priority voting as a gesture of sympathy. Such attitudes reinforce the outdated charity model of disability and undercut the human-rights model embedded in Nigeria’s laws.

True inclusion means recognising persons with disabilities as equal citizens whose participation strengthens democracy itself. When accessible ballots, ramps and trained staff are in place, the message is powerful: every citizen counts.

Dr Afeez Kolawole Shittu, Political Science lecturer at the Federal College of Education (Special), Oyo, Nigeria is co-author of research underpinning this article and the article.

– Nigeria’s 2027 election can set a model for disability inclusion. Here’s how
– https://theconversation.com/nigerias-2027-election-can-set-a-model-for-disability-inclusion-heres-how-270661

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Evelyn Namakula Mayanja, Assistant Professor, Interdisciplinary Studies, Carleton University

When he was first sworn in as Uganda’s president in 1986, Yoweri Museveni declared that his victory represented a “fundamental change”. He promised that Ugandans would no longer die at the hands of fellow citizens. He also criticised African leaders who sought international prestige while their people lacked food, healthcare and dignity.

In his books Sowing the Mustard Seed (published in 1997) and What Is Africa’s Problem? (2000), Museveni condemned leaders who overstayed in power.

Now nearly four decades into his rule, Uganda’s promised democratic renewal has been replaced by increasingly autocratic governance. Once the liberator, Museveni has become the strongman, overseeing a deeply repressive system. Political opposition, civil society and ordinary citizens have faced growing human rights violations, violence and intimidation. This is particularly targeted at young people and political dissidents.

In the run-up to Uganda’s 2026 elections, political repression has intensified. Young people, under the leadership of opposition figure Robert Kyagulanyi (popularly known as Bobi Wine), are at the centre of a growing struggle for freedom and democracy. And they are increasingly the targets of state violence.

I teach and research political repression and human rights. My work emphasises the importance of strengthening ethical and democratic leadership and governance. This enables sustainable peace, justice, development and human security to take root.

I have also argued that young people around the world can help save democracy – if they are supported. This is particularly the case in Uganda, which has one of the youngest populations in the world.

This support should come from the African Union (AU) in the first instance. Its peace and security council should make it clear to Museveni that he has obligations to respect people’s rights and freedoms. There is also a need for a standby military force from the AU and/or the UN to protect Ugandans against bloodshed.

The international community can also play a role by ending its supply of weapons and ensuring the implementation of international laws. This includes a commitment to arrest and prosecute those who commit crimes against humanity.

It is also urgent that Bobi Wine be granted special protection during and after the elections. The opposition leader has warned that the regime has plans to assassinate him.

What’s ailing Uganda

Museveni’s Uganda is marked by five key characteristics.

Firstly, authoritarianism and institutional control. To entrench his power, Museveni has rigged votes in every political election.

Authoritarianism is reinforced by personal and family control of institutions, particularly the military, police, the judiciary, the legislature and the electoral commission. The president’s son Muhoozi Kainerugaba is Uganda’s chief of defence forces. Museveni’s wife Janet is the minister of education and a member of parliament. All institutions are headed and monopolised by people from the president’s ethnic group.

Secondly, corruption. Uganda is estimated to lose more than Sh10 trillion (US$2.8 billion) to corruption annually. Senior officials have amassed wealth through corruption.

Museveni’s recent political messaging has centred on protecting the gains of those in power. The president has referred to a national resource like oil, estimated at 6.65 billion barrels, as his.

For their part, the UK and US governments have sanctioned Ugandan officials for corruption.

Third, poverty. As of June 2025, Uganda ranked 157th out of 193 countries on a UN global development index. This index measures standards of living. Children still study under trees and hospitals are dilapidated. According to the World Bank, nearly 60% of the population lives on less than US$3 a day.

Fourth, human rights abuses, with perpetrators going unpunished. Supporters of Bobi Wine have faced beatings, torture, arrests, disappearances, military trials and extrajudicial killings. In 2020, security forces killed dozens of opposition supporters. Bobi Wine himself has survived several assassination attempts. His campaigns are frequently blocked. He has been pepper-sprayed, tear-gassed and denied accommodation.

Lastly, digital repression. The government has suspended internet access, and blocked platforms to prevent citizens from sharing evidence of state violence. This digital clampdown is a central tool of political control.

Opposition remains defiant

Despite repression, Bobi Wine, aged 43, has vowed to proceed with his campaign to unseat Museveni, 81. The opposition leader presents his movement as a fight to restore democracy, constitutionalism and civilian rule.

His political programme focuses on ending corruption and youth employment, healing national divisions, and improving access to public services. His manifesto talks about creating jobs, strengthening education, and restoring respect for human rights and the rule of law.

The youth-led struggle for democracy in Uganda reflects a broader continental reality: young Africans are demanding accountable leadership that reflects national potential rather than elite survival.

Why Uganda’s future matters

Reversing authoritarianism is essential if Uganda’s going to deal with its myriad social and political ills.

The biggest immediate threat is a real risk of mass violence. The president’s son, who is also the military chief, has publicly threatened Bobi Wine. The opposition leader has warned of reports suggesting preparations for mass killings.

A reversal of the current state of affairs would contribute to peace and stability in Uganda, and across the Great Lakes region, one of Africa’s most conflict-affected zones. All six of Uganda’s neighbours (Burundi, South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Tanzania and Kenya) face instability of one form or another.

The region has experienced cycles of violence dating back to the 1980s. Museveni’s bush war (1980-1986) was followed by the 1994 Rwanda genocide. In 1996, Uganda and Rwanda invaded the DR Congo, triggering a wave of violence that persists to date. The violence is heightened by Museveni’s militarisation of the DRC and Kagame’s support for militias in the country, including the March 23 Movement (M23).

In addition, some neighbouring countries are experiencing increased internal political tension. For example Tanzania, long seen as relatively peaceful, has experienced lethal crackdowns against political opponents and protesters.

For its part, Kenya’s young people’s protests against government corruption and police brutality have been met with violence and abductions.

In Uganda itself, ethnic and regional tensions are rising. Museveni has said every soldier will have 120 bullets to silence protesters in the January 2026 election. Civilians have previously been kidnapped, tortured, disappeared and killed.

What’s needed

The youth-led struggle for democracy in Uganda reflects a broader continental reality: young Africans are demanding accountable leadership that reflects national potential rather than elite survival.

In Burkina Faso, the people rallied in support of President Ibrahim Traore’s emancipatory leadership. In Kenya, young people have not stopped demanding democratic rule and accountable leadership.

For the wider international community, supporting democratic transitions is not only a moral responsibility. It is also central to long-term peace, security, development and reducing forced migration.

History shows that early international action can prevent atrocities – and its absence can enable catastrophe.

– Uganda’s autocratic political system is failing its people – and threatens the region
– https://theconversation.com/ugandas-autocratic-political-system-is-failing-its-people-and-threatens-the-region-273404

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Blessing Kavhu, Research Fellow, Remote Sensing & GIS Data Scientist I Conservationist I Transboundary Water Modeler I Technical Advisory Board Member I UCSC Climate Justice Fellow I UCSC Coastal Climate Resilience Fellow, University of California, Santa Cruz

In the fishing villages along Lake Kariba in northern Zimbabwe, near the border with Zambia, everyday routines that should be ordinary – like collecting water, walking to the fields or casting a fishing net – now carry a quiet, ever-present fear. A new national analysis shows that human-wildlife conflict in rural Zimbabwe has intensified to the point where it has become a public safety crisis, rather than simply an environmental challenge.

Between 2016 and 2022, 322 people died in wildlife encounters. Annual fatalities climbed from 17 to 67: a fourfold increase in just seven years. These fatal encounters are concentrated in communities that live closest to protected areas and water bodies. Here, people and wildlife compete for space and survival.

Protected areas and rivers provide water, forage and shelter for wildlife. Rural households rely on the same landscapes for farming, fishing and domestic water. The study shows that this overlap between human activity and wildlife movement sharply increases the risk of fatal encounters.

Historically, human-wildlife conflict research and policy in southern Africa focused on economic losses such as destroyed crops, livestock predation and damaged infrastructure. Fatal attacks on people were often treated as rare or incidental. This study shifts that perspective by showing that human deaths are not isolated events, but a growing and measurable pattern that demands urgent attention.

I am a US-based Zimbabwean scientist working with Zimbabwean conservationists. We analysed national wildlife-related fatality records from the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority. The central questions were: how many people are dying from wildlife encounters, where are these deaths occurring and which species are responsible?

The findings were stark. Fatal encounters are rising rapidly, are geographically clustered in the north and western districts, and are driven primarily by two species: crocodiles and elephants (not lions, as people might expect). The implications extend beyond conservation to include trauma, fear, retaliatory killings of wildlife and the need for targeted, locally specific interventions.

Patterns in the data

The study reveals that more than 80% of recorded deaths involved only two species, elephants and crocodiles. Crocodiles alone were responsible for slightly more than half of all fatalities. Many of these incidents happened during activities people cannot avoid: fishing, crossing rivers, bathing, or washing clothes in rivers and lakes. These encounters are sudden and often impossible to anticipate, especially in places where visibility is poor and safe water access is limited.

Elephants were responsible for nearly a third of the deaths. These happened mainly during crop-raiding incidents or when communities attempted to chase elephants from fields and homesteads, or when people were walking to school and work. These confrontations often occur at night or in the early morning when visibility is low. Lions, hyenas, hippos and buffalo contributed only 17% of fatal incidents during the study period.

The rise in lethal encounters appears to be driven by several overlapping forces. Zimbabwe still holds one of Africa’s largest elephant populations, estimated at over 80,000 animals. This is second only to Botswana. In dry years elephants move over long distances in search of water and forage, increasing their presence in communal lands. Shrinking natural habitats and growing rural populations mean that human populations are expanding into wildlife corridors. Climate change, particularly recurring droughts, intensifies the competition for water and space.

The geography of the fatalities reveals a clear pattern. Most deaths occurred in Kariba, Binga and Hwange. These are districts along the country’s northern and western frontier, with a combined population of about 343,264 people. They have large water bodies that support abundant crocodile populations; they are close to protected areas with high elephant numbers; and people there depend heavily on farming, fishing and natural resource use.

How people feel

These encounters leave people with fear. Parents become anxious about children walking to school, farmers worry about tending crops at dawn and communities may avoid crossing rivers.

But people aren’t getting mental health support. So grief and fear can turn into anger, often resulting in killings of wildlife. A destructive cycle undermines conservation and damages trust between communities and authorities.

What to do about it

Different places face different dangers, and solutions should reflect that.

Areas near crocodile-prone rivers need safe water access and crossing points and redesigned community washing areas. Districts where elephants are responsible for most fatalities require better early-warning systems, community-based monitoring networks and low-cost methods to deter elephants from crop fields. These measures must be paired with community education and consistent follow-up support.

The findings highlight that coexistence will not be possible without recognising the emotional and psychological dimensions of living alongside wildlife. The responsibility lies with government agencies working with communities. These must be supported by conservation organisations and health services. Counselling, community healing processes and long-term engagement can help break the retaliatory cycle.

Research from other African settings shows that targeted solutions grounded in community involvement and local risk patterns are key to reducing conflicts. In northern Kenya, community-based early warning systems that alert villagers to elephant movements have significantly reduced fatal encounters. Beehive fences and chili-based barriers have helped protect crops without harming wildlife.

In Uganda’s Murchison Falls area, surveys found that local people preferred physical exclusion measures and the relocation of specific crocodiles as ways to lower the risk of attacks. In South Sudan’s Sudd wetlands, communities identified crocodile sanctuaries as one way to reduce dangerous interactions. In Zambia’s lower Zambezi valley, villagers highlighted the need for more alternative water access points (such as boreholes).

These examples show that fatal encounters are not inevitable. When interventions are matched to the species involved and the daily realities of local communities, both human deaths and retaliatory killings of wildlife can be reduced.

Zimbabwe’s wildlife remains a source of national pride and a cornerstone of tourism. But conservation cannot succeed if the people who live closest to wildlife feel unprotected or unheard. A future where people and wildlife thrive together depends on acknowledging that human wellbeing is inseparable from the wellbeing of the ecosystems they share.

– Human-wildlife conflict in Zimbabwe is a crisis: who is in danger, where and why?
– https://theconversation.com/human-wildlife-conflict-in-zimbabwe-is-a-crisis-who-is-in-danger-where-and-why-271117