Category: Africa

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Iran war is exposing South Africa’s dependency on diesel: what went wrong

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Lisette IJssel de Schepper, Chief Economist Bureau for Economic Research, Stellenbosch University

It is forgivable to think that an oil shock mainly hurts at the petrol pump. After all, that is where households feel it first. But when my colleagues and I at the Bureau for Economic Research started digging through South Africa’s fuel data, a different story emerged – one that says as much about the country’s infrastructure failures as it does about global geopolitics.

As we began modelling the likely impact on the South African economy, it quickly became clear that diesel would inflict even more pain on the economy than petrol. (Our insights are based on ongoing analysis that has not yet been published.)

There are two reasons for this.

Firstly, diesel underpins the South African economy’s cost structure. It powers the systems that keep the economy functioning: freight transport, food distribution, mining operations, agricultural machinery, generators and large parts of the country’s logistics network. Higher diesel prices therefore raise the cost of transporting goods, distributing food, operating mines and running backup generators during electricity disruptions.

This means the dominant economic impact of the Gulf war on South Africa is not simply that households are paying more at the pump. The impact is also being felt through higher logistics, freight and operating costs as they feed through supply chains into broader inflation.

Secondly, the price of diesel has spiked markedly more than the price for petrol. Relative to the first quarter of 2026, diesel prices in the second quarter increased by almost 60%, compared with about 25% for petrol.

Our calculations suggest that higher fuel prices could add roughly R45 billion (US$2.7billion) – just over 2% of quarterly GDP spend – in additional fuel costs to the South African economy in the second quarter of 2026 alone. Nearly 70% of that additional cost burden would come from diesel rather than petrol.

The main conclusion we draw from our insights is that South Africa needs to fix its fundamentals and shore up buffers so that it is better placed to withstand external shocks when they strike.

South Africa’s shift in fuel consumption

To understand why diesel matters so much today, it is important to recognise how fuel consumption has changed.

Over the past two decades, diesel consumption has steadily overtaken petrol consumption in the South African economy.

In 2005, petrol accounted for close to half of total fuel consumption, while diesel accounted for roughly a third (see figure below). Today, diesel accounts for almost half of all fuel consumed nationally, while petrol’s share has declined steadily.

Source: Department of Mineral Resources & Energy

Part of the explanation is relatively benign. Petrol vehicles have become significantly more fuel-efficient over time, allowing households to travel further on less fuel. Weak household income growth, higher fuel prices and expensive vehicle financing have also constrained discretionary driving and slowed petrol demand growth.

Diesel, however, is different. Diesel is primarily an operational input into the economy rather than a form of discretionary consumption. As such, its increased use reflects deeper structural changes in the South African economy:

  • More freight has shifted to roads and trucks as the state-owned transport monopoly Transnet’s rail capacity has deteriorated. These freight trucks run on diesel.

  • Use of diesel accelerated sharply during the severe power-cut years between 2022 and 2024. This was particularly evident in businesses in the mining, manufacturing and agricultural sectors as well as hospitals, shopping centres and data centres. All have increasingly come to rely on diesel generators to keep operating.

Read more: Does South Africa have a future without power cuts? Ramaphosa intervenes, but the drama isn’t over

During the worst periods of load-shedding in 2023, Eskom relied heavily on diesel-fired open-cycle gas turbines to help keep the lights on when the coal fleet failed. At times, Eskom’s diesel usage was estimated to account for 20%-30% of national diesel demand. Fortunately, that dependence has eased considerably as electricity supply stabilised and diesel-fired open-cycle gas turbines usage declined.

Still, diesel has quietly become South Africa’s shadow infrastructure system – the fuel that has compensated for failures elsewhere in the economy, from electricity generation to freight transport.

This means South Africa’s vulnerability to oil shocks cannot be easily remedied just by getting consumers to ditch their fossil fuel-guzzling SUVs in favour of electric vehicles. Vulnerability is embedded in the diesel-intensive systems that move goods, power operations, and keep the economy running.

The impact

South Africa has always been vulnerable to oil shocks because it imports virtually all of its crude oil. But the nature of that vulnerability has changed. As domestic refining capacity has declined as several domestic refineries closed between 2020 and 2023, fuel (rather than crude) imports have increased. This means South Africa has become exposed not only to higher oil prices, but also to disruptions in global fuel supply chains themselves.

This creates the risk that external and domestic shocks will begin to reinforce one another. A global fuel disruption on its own is painful but manageable. But fuel stress becomes considerably more destabilising.

The impact is likely to be felt in a number of ways.

Firstly, in the country’s agricultural sector. South Africa is unlikely to face an immediate food supply crisis as domestic agricultural production conditions remain relatively favourable. Nor is there an immediate risk of food inflation as consumer food inflation began moderating earlier this year, supported by ample supplies of grains, fruits and vegetables.

Nevertheless, the sector will be affected. Fuel accounts for a substantial share of food distribution costs in South Africa’s highly road-dependent transport system. Wandile Sihlobo, chief economist of the Agriculture Business Chamber of South Africa, notes that roughly 80% of South African grain is transported by road. Higher diesel prices, therefore, feed directly into the cost of moving food across the country.

Farming is also highly diesel intensive. In addition, fertiliser prices have spiked as a result of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. These price hikes will squeeze margins across farming and food distribution long before they fully appear in supermarket prices.

Farmers may also lose important export markets. The Gulf states, together with Iraq and Iran, are important destinations for South African fruit and meat exports, much of which moves through shipping routes linked to the Strait of Hormuz.

The second major impact will be on the government’s finances.

In April 2026, the government introduced temporary fuel levy relief of R3 per litre (or $0.18/litre), before extending and expanding the support specifically to diesel. By May, diesel levy relief had effectively increased to R3.93 per litre ($0.24/litre), temporarily reducing the general fuel levy on diesel to zero.

The total relief provided between April and June is expected to cost the fiscus roughly R17.2 billion in forgone tax revenue. Since this exceeds the roughly R10 billion contingency reserve available in the current budget, the fiscal cost will need to be absorbed either through stronger-than-expected revenue or expenditure adjustments elsewhere.

The third area of impact is inflation. The cost of fuel shapes inflation expectations because it is highly visible and purchased frequently. Even temporary fuel spikes therefore risk de-anchoring inflation expectations. This is particularly important in the South African economy, where the Reserve Bank has spent several years cementing its credibility to aid the move to a lower inflation target. This depends on inflation expectations continuing to fall towards 3%.

This helps explain why policymakers are concerned not only about fuel prices themselves, but also about the possibility that higher fuel costs may become embedded in broader pricing behaviour and wage expectations.

The bigger lesson: resilience matters

South Africa did not consciously choose to become more diesel dependent. It happened gradually, one workaround at a time. It spent years building diesel into its coping mechanisms. When rail failed, the country used trucks. When electricity failed, it used generators and open cycle gas turbines.

Those adaptations kept the economy moving, but they also quietly increased South Africa’s exposure to global fuel shocks.

The lesson from the current crisis is, therefore, not simply that oil prices are volatile. It is that resilience matters – just not the kind of home-grown resilience which depends on costly workarounds just to keep the lights on and the goods moving.

– Iran war is exposing South Africa’s dependency on diesel: what went wrong
– https://theconversation.com/iran-war-is-exposing-south-africas-dependency-on-diesel-what-went-wrong-283516

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Global media networks simplify Ethiopia’s conflicts: insights from 5 years of data

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Marew Abebe Salemot, Researcher in Political Sciences and International Studies, Debark University

When conflicts break out, most people around the world rely on international media to understand what is happening. These reports do more than inform. They shape how crises are interpreted, which actors are seen as responsible and where global attention is directed.

In complex situations, what is left out can matter as much as what is included.

Ethiopia is a clear example of this problem. Since 2020, the country has experienced multiple, overlapping conflicts.

The war in Tigray (2020-2022) has been one of the most widely reported, drawing sustained global attention because of its scale and humanitarian impact. But at the same time, violence has broken out and continues in Ethiopia’s Amhara and Oromia regions, causing severe consequences for civilians and deepening regional instability.

Our research set out to understand how these conflicts, which targeted ethnic groups, have been reported by the international media, and how the media understand the country’s current complex crises. As a team of media scholars, we analysed news coverage from four major global outlets – BBC from Britain, CNN from the US, Al-Jazeera from Qatar, and CGTN from China – over a five-year period from January 2020 to March 2025. We collected 1,412 stories from the four outlets on Ethiopia’s complex conflict.

To further assess how they frame the conflict and the nature of their reporting, 60 stories were systematically selected from each media outlet, yielding a total sample of 240 conflict-related articles. This allowed us to track patterns in attention, framing and sourcing.

We found that the coverage tended to present Ethiopia’s crisis through a narrow lens, centred largely on one conflict: the Tigray war.

More than three-quarters (77.2%) of all the stories we analysed focused on the conflict between the Ethiopian government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. Conflicts in Amhara (at 2.7%) and Oromia (at 0.4%) appeared only marginally in coverage.

This risks producing a partial understanding of a much more complex reality.

Ethiopia’s conflicts are not easily reduced to a single narrative. They involve multiple actors, regions and historical trajectories. Capturing this complexity is challenging, but it is essential. When global media coverage is too narrow, it risks shaping responses that address only part of the problem.

Based on our findings, we recommend that there needs to be a more balanced approach to reporting. Secondly, a greater emphasis must be placed on context, which would include explanations of the historical and political background of conflicts.

A more comprehensive approach would not only improve understanding. It would also contribute to more informed and balanced international engagement with one of the most important and complex regions in Africa today. This matters because Ethiopia is a key player in the Horn of Africa. Instability here has implications for regional security and international diplomacy.

Our findings

Our analysis revealed three major trends in the media coverage of conflict in Ethiopia.

The first was that the Tigray conflict received significantly more media attention than other conflicts in the country. The war, which began in November 2020 between Ethiopian federal forces and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, drew widespread international attention because of its scale. The conflict was marked by mass atrocities, civilian displacement and famine conditions. An estimated 800,000 civilians were killed.

Although violence persists across several regions – particularly Amhara and Oromia – the war in Tigray dominated reporting, accounting for 77.2% of total news coverage. This means conflicts were not subjected to the same level of scrutiny or narrative. Humanitarian suffering in Amhara and Oromia was far less visible in our dataset. This does not mean it was absent on the ground. Rather, it suggests that some forms of suffering were more likely to be reported than others.

Second was a lack of context. We identified what we term “episodic reporting”. Around two-thirds of the stories we analysed focused on immediate events – including military clashes, political statements or humanitarian emergencies – without providing much background or context. This meant that complex political dynamics were often reduced to simplified narratives. Long-standing tensions related to governance, federalism, identity and power were rarely explored in detail. Instead, the focus remained on visible crises and urgent developments.

Read more: Ethiopia’s national dialogue was meant to heal the nation, but divisions are deepening

Third, that coverage was predominantly negative towards the Ethiopian government. Sources critical of the government were used far more frequently than those offering alternative perspectives. While critical reporting is an essential part of journalism, the imbalance in sourcing suggests that some voices were amplified more than others.

The implications

This imbalance in the reporting has broader implications. Media coverage plays a significant role in shaping international agendas.

Media reports could assist policymakers, humanitarian organisations and international institutions to assess crises and determine priorities. In this regard, the Tigray war alone was discussed over 10 times at the UN Security Council.

In this sense, visibility can translate into political and humanitarian action. Conversely, conflicts that receive limited coverage may not attract the same level of concern.

What needs to be done

Improving this situation requires a number of steps.

Firstly, a more balanced approach to reporting is needed. International media need to widen their scope and pay closer attention to underreported conflicts. This does not mean reducing coverage of major crises, but rather ensuring that other significant developments are not overlooked.

Secondly, context needs to be given. Explaining the historical and political background of conflicts can help audiences understand not just what is happening, but why. Without this context, reporting risks reinforcing simplified narratives that do not capture the full picture.

Thirdly, audiences themselves play a role. Recognising that media coverage is selective can encourage more critical engagement with news. Seeking out multiple sources and perspectives can help build a more nuanced understanding of complex situations.

– Global media networks simplify Ethiopia’s conflicts: insights from 5 years of data
– https://theconversation.com/global-media-networks-simplify-ethiopias-conflicts-insights-from-5-years-of-data-282776

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Mali’s security crisis holds warnings for Nigeria: here’s why

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Saheed Babajide Owonikoko, Researcher, Centre for Peace and Security Studies, Modibbo Adama University of Technology

Mali and Nigeria, two of the countries in the Sahel region of west Africa, are separated by approximately 1,000 kilometres, with the Niger Republic between them. They differ in population size and government, but they face some of the same threats.

Mali has a population of about 22.4 million, while Nigeria has about 223.8 million. While Nigeria has been a democracy since 1999, Mali has had a military government since 2020.

The two are similar in that they are threatened by multiple armed groups operating in their territories.

Three armed groups – Islamic State Sahel Province (ISSP/ISGS), Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM) and the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) – are shaping the conflict in Mali.

This reached a new high in April 2026 when Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin and the Azawad Liberation Front carried out coordinated attacks across Mali.

The northern cities of Kidal and Mopti, as well as military bases in Sevare and Gao, were captured. The heart of Bamako, the capital city of Mali, was also struck, leading to the death of the defence minister, Sadio Camara.

Nigeria too has been threatened by jihadist insurgence and banditry in the north as well as secessionists and militancy in the south. Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li al-Da’wa wa al-Jihad (JAS) and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) are active in the north.

Nigeria lost two brigadier generals fighting the insurgents in the north-east between November 2025 and April 2026.

The weakness of the state plays a significant role in the vulnerability of both countries to attacks. As a scholar who has followed the unfolding events in the Sahel, I draw lessons for Nigeria from the April attacks in Mali.

Those lessons include the possibility of alignment among armed groups, the danger of the jihadists advancing to other Sahelian countries, the audacity of the groups, and the possibility that gains of JNIM in Mali could incite rival groups in Nigeria.

Key lessons for Nigeria

The first lesson concerns armed groups teaming up to fight the state. The April attackers were a combined force of FLA and JNIM. These groups share a common aim: securing enclaves within Mali. They joined efforts to carry out the attacks, each focusing on the areas they wished to control.

In the same vein, Nigeria has battled many armed groups. Competition, rather than cooperation, has defined the relationship between these groups, especially in northern Nigeria. This has always been to the advantage of the Nigerian state. The erstwhile charismatic leader of terror group Boko Haram, Abubakar Shekau, survived for more than a decade but died during clashes between his group, JAS and ISWAP members.

This led to a decline in Boko Haram’s activities, although they are now gradually resurging.

However, there is evidence of an unfolding alliance between terrorists in the north-east and bandits in the north-central and north-west areas of Nigeria. Such alliance have often been in terms of tactical cooperation as well as exchange of members and arms.

There is also a possibility of closing ranks and joining forces between Boko Haram and ISWAP, especially if leaders who favour working together with ISWAP take over Boko Haram from Bakura Doro, the current leader of JAS, after the death of Abukakar Shekau. If this happens, it may escalate terrorist activities that may be difficult for Nigeria to manage.

The second lesson is that the audacity of the JNIM/FLA coalition and the results achieved can motivate related groups to act in other parts of the Sahel. The al-Qaeda-linked and ISIS-linked terrorist groups have been involved in a competition for control of the Sahel for a long period.

This comes in the form of direct armed attacks against each other, competition over territory and recruiting, and attempting to demonstrate the ability to cause more violence than the other. This has led to an increase in jihadist attacks.

JNIM’s takeover of some cities in Mali may encourage its ISIS-affiliated rivals in the Greater Sahara and Lake Chad to also increase their violence.

In the Lake Chad Region, ISWAP has intensified attacks against military formations while also building parallel states in many areas of the Lake Chad basin, with Nigeria being the most affected.

Lastly, with the capture of Kidal and attacks near Bamako, JNIM may be close to capturing Mali. If Mali falls, it could be a training ground for terrorists in the Sahel. This fear was the reason Nigeria mobilised its forces for a peacekeeping mission in Mali in 2012. And if Mali falls, Burkina Faso and Niger will be threatened.

The threat to Niger is a significant problem because it is a buffer zone for Nigeria. Meanwhile Nigeria is a major target of the jihadist insurgents in their move to extend towards coastal west Africa.

What should Nigeria do?

Mali’s experience could turn the lens on Nigeria. Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso have opted out of the Economic Community of West African States, Ecowas. But Nigeria and other countries in the region should not abandon the breakaway states at this stage. Necessary regional support should be galvanised and Nigeria can still play a leading role in this.

In my view, Nigeria also needs to rejig its counter-terrorism to be more responsive. Rather than its current defensive posture, which gives jihadists the opportunity to plan, Nigeria ought to adopt sophisticated and strategic offensive counter-terrorism that takes the war to the jihadists.

– Mali’s security crisis holds warnings for Nigeria: here’s why
– https://theconversation.com/malis-security-crisis-holds-warnings-for-nigeria-heres-why-282180

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Countries in the Horn of Africa and Yemen recommit to ending variant poliovirus

Source: APO – Report:

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During the Interministerial Meeting on Polio in the Horn of Africa and Yemen, held on the sidelines of the Seventy-ninth World Health Assembly (WHA79) on 20 May 2026, countries reaffirmed their commitment to ending variant poliovirus transmission through stronger cross-border coordination, strengthened surveillance and synchronized action. The meeting was jointly convened by the WHO Regional Office for Africa (AFRO) and the WHO Regional Office for the Eastern Mediterranean (EMRO), and chaired by WHO Regional Director for Africa, Professor Mohamed Janabi.

Bringing together Ministers of Health and senior government representatives from Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Yemen, alongside Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) partners and representatives from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the meeting focused on accelerating regional collaboration to stop transmission in one of the world’s most interconnected and complex polio epidemiological settings.

The Horn of Africa and Yemen jointly remain one of the world’s most challenging polio epidemiological subregions, shaped by population movement across porous borders, humanitarian crises, insecurity and persistent immunity gaps. Countries in the bloc continue to face outbreaks of variant poliovirus, including Somalia’s prolonged variant poliovirus type 2 (cVDPV2) outbreak, first detected in 2017 and Yemen’s ongoing cVDPV2 outbreak, which has paralysed 452 children – most of whom are in the northern governorates – since 2021.

Despite these challenges, recent progress demonstrates that coordinated action is yielding results. Kenya has reported no poliovirus cases since July 2024, Ethiopia has achieved a 98% reduction in detections of circulating variant poliovirus types 1 and 2 in 2025, and Djibouti has recorded no detections of variant poliovirus types 1 and 2 since May 2025 following intensified response measures. Earlier this year, Ethiopia and South Sudan also launched synchronized vaccination campaigns after variant poliovirus type 1 (cVDPV1) was detected near their shared border, highlighting the continued risk of cross-border transmission.

“Polio eradication remains our highest priority. Despite the challenges we face, Somalia is fully committed to interrupting transmission, including by reducing zero-dose children, strengthening accountability and ownership, improving access to hard-to-reach communities and reinforcing regional collaboration to address cross-border population movement,” said H.E. Ali Haji Adam, Minister of Health of Somalia, at the meeting. He also emphasized continued efforts to close operational gaps and thanked multilateral and Global Polio Eradication Initiative partners for their sustained support.

Ethiopia highlighted the importance of maintaining momentum through high-quality vaccination campaigns, stronger routine immunization, surveillance and cross-border coordination to address outbreaks of both poliovirus types 1 and 2, particularly in border areas. “This meeting provides an important opportunity to further strengthen coordination with neighbouring countries and regional mechanisms, as we work together to stop transmission,” said H.E. Mekdes Daba, Minister of Health of Ethiopia, while also acknowledging the support of partners, including Rotary, through Rotarians working on the ground.

Participants emphasized that sustained political commitment and collaboration remain critical to stopping transmission in a region where mobility, insecurity and humanitarian emergencies continue to increase the risk of spread.

“At a time of competing health emergencies and financial pressures, we cannot lose sight of what is at stake: protecting every child. As we work together to stop poliovirus transmission in the region by the end of 2027, stronger cross-border coordination and robust surveillance will be critical to sustaining progress and protecting communities,” said Dr Mohamed Janabi, WHO Regional Director for Africa.

The meeting took place amid a difficult global health financing environment and declining external funding for polio eradication. Ministers underscored the importance of increased domestic resource mobilization, prioritization and efficient implementation of activities to sustain progress despite operational pressures such as fuel shortages, rising costs and competing public health priorities.

Government representatives reaffirmed their commitment to improving the quality of vaccination campaigns, strengthening routine immunization and closing immunity gaps, particularly among underserved populations in border communities, remote rural areas, insecure settings and mobile groups. They also committed to enhancing poliovirus surveillance, including expanding community-based surveillance in hard-to-reach areas, and integrating vaccination with broader health services to ensure timely outbreak detection and rapid response to outbreaks.

Mr Michael McGovern, Polio Oversight Board (POB) Chair, commended countries for their efforts to conduct high-quality polio activities despite funding constraints, while emphasizing the need to maintain momentum through strong surveillance, sustained commitment, and close coordination to stop poliovirus transmission.

Speaking on behalf of GPEI partners, Dr Chris Elias, a member of the POB and President of the Global Development Program at the Gates Foundation, emphasized the importance of reaching children who have never received vaccines and leveraging initiatives such as Gavi’s rollout of hexavalent vaccines to expand protection against preventable diseases.

As the meeting concluded, ministers reaffirmed their shared commitment to sustained collaboration, coordinated action, stronger oversight and accountability to protect children from polio, ensuring no country in the region is left behind in the effort to eradicate the disease.

– on behalf of WHO Regional Office for Africa.

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Mashatile honours Bushy Maape as servant of the people and liberation stalwart

Source: Government of South Africa

Mashatile honours Bushy Maape as servant of the people and liberation stalwart

Deputy President Paul Mashatile has described former North West Premier Kaobitsa Abel “Bushy” Maape as a disciplined freedom fighter and servant of the people who dedicated his life to the liberation and upliftment of South Africans.

Delivering a eulogy at Maape’s funeral service held at Huhudi Stadium in Vryburg on Saturday, Mashatile said the former Premier’s life was defined by sacrifice, courage and unwavering commitment to the people.

“We gather at Huhudi Stadium to honour a revolutionary, a freedom fighter, a servant of the people, and a loyal son of the African soil. History will remember him as a freedom fighter, a disciplined member of the ANC, and Premier of the North West Province.

“Above all, he will be remembered as a man faithful to the cause of the people until his final days,” Mashatile said.

He described Maape as a loyal African National Congress (ANC) cadre, Robben Island prisoner and community leader who endured the brutality of apartheid in pursuit of freedom.

“His life was marked by endurance and sacrifice in the struggle for liberation. He bore the scars of apartheid’s cruelty, scars that told the story of pain and injustice. He gave his youth to the struggle so that future generations might walk in freedom,” the Deputy President said.

Mashatile highlighted Maape’s role in underground activism during apartheid, saying the former Premier worked as a teacher and principal by day while operating as an activist by night.

“He was part of the leaders responsible for recruiting others under perilous conditions and contributed to the formation of the notable Kgalagadi Politico-Military Machinery,” he said.

He also credited Maape for helping establish the General and Allied Workers’ Union (GAWU) and contributing to the work of the United Democratic Front (UDF) during the banning of the ANC.

Mashatile said Maape’s imprisonment on Robben Island strengthened rather than weakened his resolve.

“Robben Island did not destroy revolutionaries; it became a school of political consciousness, discipline, courage, and leadership,” he said. 

The Deputy President said even during his tenure as North West Premier between 2021 and 2024, Maape remained committed to serving communities and advancing ethical leadership.

“He embraced leadership as service, not self-enrichment, carrying the hopes and frustrations of ordinary people on his shoulders,” the Deputy President said. 

Mashatile said Maape consistently advocated for rural development, youth empowerment, improved service delivery and economic justice.

“He longed to see rural communities rise from the grip of poverty, to see dignity restored where despair had taken root.” He said. 

According to Mashatile, Maape believed that freedom should translate into jobs for the unemployed, education for the youth, healthcare for the vulnerable and housing for the homeless.

He said the former Premier also understood the importance of strengthening local government and ensuring development reached rural villages and townships.

“Government exists to serve the people, not for self-enrichment,” Mashatile said.

The Deputy President used the occasion to condemn violence and criminality, particularly the killing of community activist Thato Molosankwe from Lomanyaneng Village in Mahikeng.

“This senseless act of violence is an attack not only on one individual but also on the values of humanity, justice, democracy, and community activism for which many freedom fighters, including Comrade Bushy Maape, dedicated their lives,” he said. 

Mashatile reaffirmed government’s commitment to fighting crime and rebuilding public trust through ethical leadership and accountability.

He called on communities, traditional leaders, civil society and faith-based organisations to work together to defeat crime and strengthen social cohesion.

“There can be no greater tribute to leaders such as Comrade Bushy Maape than building communities founded on unity, safety, compassion, and justice for all,” he said.

Conveying condolences on behalf of President Cyril Ramaphosa and government, Mashatile said Maape’s legacy would live on through the country’s democratic freedoms and continued struggle for a better future.

“His legacy is written not in ink, but in sacrifice, discipline, and service,” Mashatile said.

He concluded by bidding farewell to the former Premier, saying: “Hamba Kahle, Mkhonto. Tsela Tshweu, Comrade Bushy Maape.” – SAnews.gov.za

DikelediM

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Seychelles: President Visits Police and Fire Services in Final Stop on La Digue Tour

Source: APO


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President of the Republic of Seychelles, Dr Patrick Herminie, concluded his series of visits on La Digue with a stop at the La Passe main Police and Fire Station, where concerns over staff accommodation and working conditions were raised by officers and firefighters serving on the island.

Present to welcome the President were Minister for Homeland Security and Civil Affairs, Mr James Camille, Commissioner of Police, Mr Godfra Hermitte, and Principal Secretary for Homeland Security, Ms Sheryl Vengadasamy.

At the police station, the commander in charge appealed to President Herminie to maintain a firm stance on the issue of illicit drugs on the island, particularly among the youth, noting the social impact and concerns faced by the community.

During the visit to the fire station, President Herminie witnessed firsthand the conditions under which firefighters operate and commended the team for their continued dedication and professionalism despite the challenges they face daily.

“The country is proud of the work that you are doing,” President Herminie told the officers and firefighters.

Staff members also raised concerns regarding accommodation facilities and the overall working environment at the station.

In response, the President acknowledged the difficulties observed during the visit and assured personnel that improvements would be pursued.

“We have seen the working environment that you are working in and I give my commitment to improve that,” President Herminie stated.

The President thanked the officers and firefighters for their service and wished them well in the execution of their duties as they continue to safeguard lives and property on La Digue.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of State House Seychelles.

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Eulogy by Deputy President Shipokosa Paulus Mashatile at the funeral of former North West Premier, Mr Kaobitsa Abel “Bushy” Maape at the Huhudi Stadium, Vryburg, North West Province

Source: President of South Africa –

Programme Director, Mr Darky Africa;
The Maape Family and the Children;
Premier of the North West Province, Mr Lazarus Kagiso Mokgosi;
Former President Kgalema Montlanthe;
Cabinet Ministers and Deputy Ministers here present;
Members of the North West Provincial Executive Council;
District and Local Mayors;
Leadership of the African National Congress and the entire Alliance;
Veterans of the Liberation Struggle;
Religious Leaders and Traditional Leadership;
The People of the North West Province;

Comrades and friends, today, beneath the skies of Vryburg and in the presence of a grieving nation, we gather at Huhudi Stadium to honour a revolutionary, a freedom fighter, a servant of the people, and a loyal son of the African soil.

We unite in sorrow to bid farewell to Comrade Kaobitsa Abel “Bushy” Maape, a leader, Robben Island prisoner, loyal ANC cadre, and son of the soil.

His life was marked by endurance and sacrifice in the struggle for liberation. He bore the scars of apartheid’s cruelty, scars that told the story of pain and injustice. He gave his youth to the struggle so that future generations might walk in freedom.

During the oppressive apartheid era, he played multiple roles. During the day, he was a dedicated teacher and humble principal in a rural community, shaping young minds. As night fell, he transformed into an underground activist, a “guerrilla of consciousness” who operated stealthily. He was part of leaders responsible for recruiting others under perilous conditions and contributed to the formation of the notable Kgalagadi Politico-Military Machinery.

He played a crucial role in establishing the General and Allied Workers’ Union (GAWU), organising exploited farm and general workers. He contributed to the United Democratic Front (UDF), mobilising and agitating during the ANC’s ban. 

For this activism, the apartheid regime imprisoned him on Robben Island, believing isolation could extinguish the spirit of liberation. Yet history teaches us that Robben Island did not destroy revolutionaries, it became a school of political consciousness, discipline, courage, and leadership.

It was at Robben Island that some of the greatest sons of our nation emerged even stronger. I speak of leaders such as Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Ahmed Kathrada, Raymond Mhlaba, and many others, who sacrificed their freedom so that future generations could live in a democratic, just, united, and free South Africa.

Among those courageous revolutionaries stood Comrade Bushy Maape. His voice, once silenced by prison walls, became a beacon of hope. His courage, tested in the darkest hours, became a shield for the weak.
When giving his life for the people, the only reward Comrade Bushy Maape sought was not wealth nor recognition, but the upliftment of the poor and the marginalised. 

He longed to see rural communities rise from the grip of poverty, to see dignity restored where despair had taken root. 

His vision was of a South Africa where talent, not race, determined destiny and where opportunity was the right of all. His struggle was to break chains of exclusion and open doors apartheid had slammed shut.

The essence of his struggle lay in breaking the chains of exclusion, opening doors that apartheid had closed, and ensuring that the children of the soil could walk proudly into spaces once deemed forbidden.

Even as Premier of the North West Province (2021–2024), he held firm to his values. Misunderstood at times, he remained focused on building communities and serving those in need. He embraced leadership as service, not self-enrichment, carrying the hopes and frustrations of ordinary people on his shoulders.

Bushy’s commitment exemplifies that a true revolutionary does not choose battles for convenience but stands steadfast in principles, even when the cost is high. His life was a living lesson that integrity is the cornerstone of leadership and that service to the people is the highest calling.

Today, as we bid him farewell, let us remember that his story is not only about the past but also about the future we must build. His example calls us to recommit ourselves to the values of honesty, humility, and service. His memory urges us to defend our democracy, to nurture unity, and to ensure that the sacrifices of his generation are not betrayed.

As we raise our revolutionary banners in tribute to his significant contributions and struggle, we are reminded of his keen insight that political freedom is incomplete without economic justice.

It is for this reason that the gallant fight and struggle he had weighed had to translate into dignity for the poor. Liberation should mean jobs for the unemployed. It should mean land for the dispossessed. It should mean education for the youth, healthcare for the vulnerable, housing for the homeless, and opportunity for the masses of our people.

Fellow Compatriots, what we should also learn from his life is that Comrade Bushy never forgot where he came from. He remained grounded among the people, listening to communities. 

Furthermore, he valued the culture and traditions of the ANC and upheld principles of unity, collective leadership, and discipline. Comrade Bushy understood that the movement of Oliver Tambo, Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Ruth First, Chris Hani, and countless others can only remain strong when it is close to the people and responsive to their daily struggles.

As we lower his mortal remains, we must ask: how do we honour his legacy? We honour him through action—by defending unity, fighting corruption, restoring ethical leadership, and serving our people with humility and integrity.

We must ensure that freedom reaches every village, township, informal settlement, farm worker, unemployed graduate, and young person searching for hope.

Bushy taught us that revolutionaries do not run from difficulty; they confront it with courage, discipline, and clarity of purpose. Today, our country faces profound socio-economic and political challenges.

Millions of our people continue to struggle against poverty, unemployment, inequality, crime, corruption, underdevelopment, and the rising cost of living.

Comrade Bushy understood the urgent service delivery challenges faced by communities in the North West Province, including issues like lack of water, youth unemployment, infrastructure deterioration, and the community’s desire for an efficient government that meets their needs. He believed that government must be visible, responsive, and accountable to the people at all times.

Comrade Bushy acknowledged the vital role of traditional leadership in fostering community development and stability. He viewed it as essential for social cohesion, cultural identity, community mobilisation, and rural development. He advocated for collaborative efforts between government, traditional leaders, civil society, business, and the broader community to achieve sustainable development in provinces like North West.

Compatriots,

This province has significant economic potential, including mineral wealth, agricultural capacity, tourism, and skilled labor. Comrade Bushy stressed that these benefits should not only enrich a select few but must also uplift communities in poverty, ensuring that the wealth of the North West serves its people.

Comrade Bushy aimed to inspire rural communities to engage in agriculture, create jobs, and enhance food security. He encouraged youth participation in the economy and emphasised infrastructure investment to boost economic growth in rural and township areas, seeking to translate this growth into dignity and improved living conditions for citizens.

Comrade Bushy believed that government exists to serve the people, not for self-enrichment. At a time when some seek to sow cynicism, hopelessness, and divisions, he would have urged us to rebuild public trust through ethical leadership, hard work, accountability, and humility.

If he were here today, he would call on us to strive towards strengthening local government, so that communities receive services with dignity, efficiency, and accountability. He would remind us, that development must reach rural villages, townships, and forgotten communities, not only centres of wealth and privilege.

He would also have called for unity across political, racial, tribal, and social lines. As a veteran of the liberation struggle, he understood that South Africa cannot advance if its people are permanently divided and pitted against one another.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As we gather here today to bid farewell to Comrade Bushy Maape, we do so at a time when our province and country are once again confronted by the painful reality of violence and criminality that continue to rob families and communities of peace and security.

Government remains deeply dismayed and outraged by the barbaric killing of community activist Thato Molosankwe from Lomanyaneng Village in Mahikeng.

This senseless act of violence is an attack not only on one individual but also on the values of humanity, justice, democracy, and community activism for which many freedom fighters, including Comrade Bushy Maape, dedicated their lives.

We extend our heartfelt condolences to the Molosankwe family, the community of Lomanyaneng, friends, and all those affected by this tragic loss.

No society can prosper when violence, intimidation, criminality, and lawlessness are allowed to undermine social stability and public confidence. Communities must never live in fear because of criminal elements who disregard the sanctity of human life.

As Government, we reaffirm our commitment to ensuring that law enforcement agencies leave no stone unturned in pursuing justice and holding perpetrators accountable. 

We also call on communities, traditional leaders, civil society, faith-based organisations, and all sectors of society to work together to defeat crime, strengthen moral regeneration, and rebuild a culture of respect for life and human dignity.

There can be no greater tribute to leaders such as Comrade Bushy Maape than building communities founded on unity, safety, compassion, and justice for all.

History will remember him as a freedom fighter, a disciplined member of the ANC, and Premier of the North West Province.

Above all, he will be remembered as a man faithful to the cause of the people until his final days.

To the Maape family and children, we convey our deepest condolences on behalf of President Cyril Ramaphosa, the government, and the people of South Africa.

Your pain is our pain. Your loss is the nation’s loss. Thank you for sharing this son of the soil with us. His legacy is written not in ink, but in sacrifice, discipline, and service.

As revolutionary poet Keorapetse Kgositsile reminded us: “Freedom fighters never truly die, because they live on in the struggles and dreams of the people.”

Comrade Bushy Maape lives on in our democratic freedoms, in the hopes of young and old South Africans who still believe in a better future.

My brother Bushy, you have done your duty. Your spirit will blow through the ranks of the young men and women whom history now calls to serve.

Hamba Kahle, Mkhonto. 
Tsela Tshweu, Comrade Bushy Maape. 

May your soul rest and rest in peace. 

I thank you, Kealeboga,Inkomu!

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SADC must move to practical regional solutions amid global shocks – Minister Butale

Source: Government of South Africa

SADC must move to practical regional solutions amid global shocks – Minister Butale

Botswana Foreign Affairs Minister Dr Phenyo Butale says the Southern African Development Community (SADC) must urgently translate discussions into practical cooperation as the region faces rising geopolitical tensions and economic uncertainty.

Dr Butale was speaking to members of the media on the sidelines of the SADC Ministers of Foreign Affairs Retreat taking place at Skukuza in the Kruger National Park, where ministers are gathered to reflect on regional responses to global disruptions affecting trade, energy and development.

He said the retreat comes at a critical moment marked by global instability, shifting trade routes and increasing pressure on supply chains, including disruptions linked to geopolitical tensions such as those around the Strait of Hormuz.

“The retreat happens at a time that there has been geopolitical tension, which has now led to a lot of uncertainties and a lot of realignments,” Butale said.

He warned that Southern Africa remains heavily dependent on imports in key sectors, including food and industrial inputs, which exposes the region to external shocks.

“You have about 2.4 billion of importation of cereals, which is about 80% of cereals in the SADC region. You have 58 billion US dollars in terms of inputs of mineral equipment that we’re importing from outside,” he said. 

Butale said these structural challenges require SADC to accelerate efforts towards self-sufficiency and regional value chains.

The Minister said member states must move beyond policy discussions and focus on implementation and co-investment in areas where countries have a comparative advantage.

“It is enough. It is time for us now to go to the practical levels. What is it that Botswana excels in that South Africa can join in to improve the capabilities and capacities of Botswana?” he said. 

Butale said the region should prioritise cooperation in areas such as industrial development, agriculture, and manufacturing to reduce dependence on external suppliers.

“We should coalesce around that. We shouldn’t be in competition; we should work together to ensure that we support each other in areas where we are excelling,” he said.

On migration, Butale said the issue must be addressed directly by SADC member states, but in a way that promotes economic inclusion and stability across the region.

“The issue of migration is one of those issues that we must face and confront head-on,” he said.

He added that improved economic conditions in member states would help reduce irregular migration pressures.

“When you have prosperity in our different countries, then migration becomes an option, not an escape,” he said.

The SADC Ministers of Foreign Affairs Retreat continues at Skukuza, with discussions expected to focus on industrialisation, trade, energy cooperation, food security and the free movement of goods and people across the region. – SAnews.gov.za

DikelediM

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United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) scales up emergency Ebola response in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to contain risk of regional crisis

Source: APO


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The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) is urgently scaling up its emergency response in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), working with the Government, the World Health Organization (WHO) and partners to help contain the Ebola outbreak before a health emergency transforms into a broader humanitarian catastrophe.

The risk of the disease spreading further is exacerbated by persistent insecurity, displacement, and cross-border movement. This Ebola outbreak is hitting communities already under extreme strain: 26.5 million people across DRC face acute food insecurity, including nearly 10 million in crisis or emergency levels in the east.

“This outbreak is a race against time,” said David Stevenson, WFP Country Director in the DRC. “Without rapid, coordinated action at scale, a health crisis could quickly turn the existing food insecurity and health crisis into an uncontrollable humanitarian emergency in eastern DRC and beyond.”

As a critical enabler, the WFP-managed UN Humanitarian Air Service ensures that life‑saving assistance reaches communities affected by Ebola, even in the most remote areas. WFP has already helped transport hundreds of first responders and humanitarians and dozens of metric tons of critical medical cargo into frontline areas. Bunia remains the central logistics hub, with more than 46 metric tons of cargo received to date and essential supplies dispatched to at least 14 locations to support Ebola response efforts.

Additional operations and vital assistance to the most vulnerable in the outbreak zone are also ramping up quickly, including:

  • More aircraft to reach remote and restricted areas.
  • New flights between Kinshasa and Bunia – now three times per week.
  • Extra trucks and storage, such as Mobile Storage Units (MSUs) to handle rising volumes of critical equipment and aid.
  • Restoration of access to priority areas such as Mongbwalu, where helipad repairs will enable vital air operations soon.
  • Surge aviation staff to manage and coordinate air activities and transport across response teams.
  • Expanded medical surveillance for aid workers at WFP’s Bunia health clinic to support early detection and prevention of Ebola cases, in close coordination with national health authorities.

WFP is also scaling up emergency food and nutrition assistance for over 146,000 people in Ituri Province and communities affected by the Ebola outbreak. This includes patients, people who experienced isolated contact, affected households and other vulnerable groups, so families can comply with health measures without losing access to food. When families do not have enough food, they are more likely to delay treatment, move in search of income, or break isolation measures to survive.

“Containing Ebola requires more than treatment alone,” Stevenson added. “It requires food, access, transport and logistics so frontline teams can move fast and affected families can safely follow public health measures.”

WFP is already delivering life-saving assistance at scale across Ituri through its wider operations, reaching more than 241,000 people in the first quarter of 2026, including more than 44,000 children under two and pregnant and breastfeeding women and girls with nutrition support.

“The window to contain this outbreak is narrow,” Stevenson said. “The response must move now and at scale – across health, logistics and food assistance – to prevent far wider consequences for DRC and the region.”

WFP urgently requires nearly USD 175 million for the next six months to continue its life-saving operations in eastern DRC, and USD 23 million to scale up logistics and emergency food assistance for over 146,000 people in Ituri Province and communities affected by the Ebola outbreak over the next three months.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of World Food Programme (WFP).

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Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Inspection Team Visits ECOWAS Stabilisation Support Mission in Guinea Bissau

Source: APO


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The acting Head of the ECOWAS Peace Support Operations Division, Dr Sani Adamu led an Operational Readiness Inspection Team to the Ghana Company 4 (GHANCOY 4) at the Presidency in Guinea-Bissau on the 20th of May, 2026

The visit was part of a broader inspection of the ECOWAS Stabilization Support Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ESSMGB), aimed at assessing the operational readiness, effectiveness and sustainability of the Mission. The inspection team also visited the Nigerian and Senegalese contingents.

The Combat Team Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Isaac Keelson Ekow Amoah briefed the team on the unit’s area of responsibility and ongoing operations. The brief covered operations, logistics and administration.

In line with the mission’s evidence-based assessment approach, the delegation interacted with the Combat Team Commander to verify on-the-ground realities, including the state of major equipment holdings, self-sustainment capacity and welfare of troops.

The brief was followed by a tour of the Camp and an all-ranks durbar. At the durbar, the team leader commended personnel of the Company for their discipline and professionalism.  He emphasized ECOWAS’s appreciation for the steadfast commitment of GHANCOY personnel and all contingents to the efficient functioning of the missions.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).